David Detzer's
Dissonance had to say about the use of troops at polling places during the plebiscite on secession in Virginia on May 23rd, 1861. Here's Detzer:
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All across Virginia on this day average voters had their own say on secession. The results of the referendum were: 96,750 in favor of secession, 32,134 against.
In reality, those numbers constituted a sham. Virginia already housed thousands of out-of-state Confederate soldiers on its soil.
Like most states, Virginia was a loosely sewn garment. Her southwestern counties, where men like Henry Wise and Edmund Ruffin lived, were avidly secessionist; but along the Potomac a goodly portion of the population retained mixed feelings. Many in that region had either been born in the North or had relatives there. The western counties of the state were firm in their unionism. Troops were sent to polling places near Harpers Ferry to overawe those who might contemplate voting against the resolution. In Jefferson County (where Harpers Ferry was) the tactic worked; many frightened voters stayed home on the day of the referendum; but in Berkley County, just to the west, the troops faced such a strong and violent opposition they quietly returned to their barracks. Further west, in Morgan County, the vote against secession was six-to-one. Such counties, and their neighbors, would soon make up the state of West Virginia.
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It is interesting to note how other events happened around this:
this very day, the Kentucky legislature, after continuous debate since January on the question of secession, proclaimed the state's neutrality and adjourned.
on the evening of May 23rd, Federal troops crossed the Potomac and occupied Alexandria
on the afternoon of May 23rd, Ben Butler (newly arrived in Ft. Monroe) ordered a recon of the town of Hampton in Virginia. Some 779 men of the 1st VT regiment "marched" (strolled might be more like it; it was about an hour's walk) into town, checking to see what water supplies were available for the most part, but also to see if there was a force of rebels nearby. Finding none, they returned to Ft. Monroe before dark.
a slave named Luke and 2 other slaves followed them back, arriving about dusk, and asked for asylum. The matter was referred to Butler the next day. Major J. B. Cary,VA Volunteers, appeared at the fort demanding the return of the slaves. Butler knew Cary from the 1860 Democratic Convention in Charleston. Butler said he would give a receipt to the slaves owner, but would not return them. Their owner was Colonel Mallory, VA volunteers. Butler planned to use the three fugitives as laborers, but he regarded the slaves as contraband of war. Col. Mallory could have his property back if he came to Ft. Monroe and swore an oath of allegiance to the United States of America.
On the Confederate troops in Virginia, Jefferson Davis had informed the Confederate Congress in late April that some 16,000 of the 35,000 Confederate troops accepted into service at that time were en route to or in Virginia. This would include only troops accepted into service from the states as part of the Provisional Army, or part of the very tiny Regular Army. Any state milita or volunteers would not be included. This probably does not include the Tennessee regiment that was in Virginia in May since Tennessee had not officially seceded at that point, nor the 500 or so Kentucky volunteers with Jackson at Harpers Ferry in early May, nor the Marylanders forming in Virginia in April-May.
But what exactly were they voting on? Secession was already in existence de facto. The state government had already initiated hostilities with the US, seized all Federal facilities it can easily get, fired at US flag vessels, and sent Virginia forces and weapons into Maryland. The Confederate capital is already moving to Richmond. A alliance is already in effect.
So what would have happened if the state voted "NO" with a roar? Would all those "foreign" troops have immediately left peacefully (giving back the weapons Virginia had already issued them)? Would Jefferson Davis and his government (who had already shown a propensity for direct action) have simply left? Would Virginia have to pay recompense to the Federal government for the damage they had done?
I suppose the Confederates might have left, quietly and peacefully. They might have given back the thousands of sets of arms and equipment VA had given them, the guns, etc. Lincoln might have rushed to welcome them, and all might have been forgiven. But it might have been a little hard to see it that way in VA in May of 1861, with the streets and bars full of soldiers and parades.
If the secessionists in VA had wanted a fair and quiet election, they could have had one. All they had to do was to wait before acting, to refrain from attacking the US and inviting the Confederacy in. Notice that they did not, and rushed to create a situation where victory for their side was highly likely.
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Tennessee
—Gov. Harris was an active secessionist, and to him is attributable the secession of the state in 1861. At the first appearance of trouble he summoned the legislature to meet Jan. 7. 1861, and consider the state's federal relations. The legislature passed a bill to call a convention, but at the same time submitted the question to popular vote. At the election, Feb. 9, East Tennessee gave 25,611 majority against, Middle Tennessee 1,382 majority against, and West Tennessee 15,118 majority for, a convention, and the convention did not meet. The first attempt at "coercion" (see SECESSION, III.) renewed the excitement. The legislature was summoned to meet again, April 25, but this time a more certain, though absurdly illegal, plan was followed. May 1, in secret session, the legislature authorized the governor to appoint commissioners to conclude a military league with the confederate states, and the league was ratified by both houses, May 7. It purported to agree, that, "until the state becomes a member of the confederacy," her whole force should be under the control of the president of the confederate states, "upon the same basis, principles and footing as if said state were now and during the interval a member of the said confederacy." Having thus invited confederate troops into the state, and authorized the governor to levy 55,000 state troops, the legislature completed the farce by submitting to popular vote, June 8, a declaration of independence and ordinance of secession. It is quite useless to argue about the right of a state legislature to make a treaty, or the power of a people to vote under military domination. It is only remarkable that so large a vote was cast against secession. In East Tennessee the vote was 14,780 for, and 32,923 against; in Middle Tennessee 58,265 for, and 8,198 against; in West Tennessee 29,127 for, and 6,117 against; in the camps, 2,741 for, and none against; total vote, 104,913 for, and 47,238 against, secession. June 24, Gov. Harris, by proclamation, declared the state out of the union. The popular vote on June 8 had also ratified the confederate constitution. In the autumn, Gov. Harris was re-elected by a vote of 69,269 to 40,467 for Wm. H. Polk; but early in 1862 the advance of the federal forces drove him out of the state capital.
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This is from Cyclopædia of Political Science, Political Economy, and the Political History of the United States by the Best American and European Writers by John J. Lalor, published by Maynard, Merril & Co., New York, 1899. See
http://www.econlib.org/library/YPDBo.../llCy1022.html for more.
Once again my thanks to Trice