Miscellaneous Information about the American civil war that i dont now in what catagori i should put it in, but all information is relate to the war.
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Library of Congress Subject Headings,
21st edition, 1998
LC Subject Headings:
•Sherrill, Miles O.
•Soldiers -- North Carolina -- Catawba County -- Biography.
•Prisoners of war -- North Carolina -- Catawba County -- Biography.
•Confederate States of America. Army. North Carolina Infantry Regiment, 12th. Company A.
•United States -- History -- Civil War, 1861-1865 -- Prisoners and prisons.
•United States -- History -- Civil War, 1861-1865 -- Personal narratives, Confederate.
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A SOLDIER'S STORY:
PRISON LIFE AND OTHER INCIDENTS IN
THE WAR OF 1861-'65.
BY
MILES O. SHERRILL,
Of Catawba County, - North Carolina.
[From Newton Enterprise.]
I have been requested to write some incidents, experiences and observations of prison life during the war of 1861-'65. After thirty-eight or thirty-nine years it is somewhat difficult to recall anything like all that transpired in those dark days. Some people say it is time to stop talking about that war. Now, that would be a hard thing for those who lived in those days to do: stop talking about the war. The men, women and children at home had almost as hard a time as those at the front - not quite so dangerous, yet it required courage and true patriotism to stand in their places. Furthermore, it seems necessary, in order to keep history straight, that those who lived and participated in that part of our history should occasionally be heard from, otherwise those who write so much, who live north of the Mason and Dixon's line, would make our rising generation believe what is false. So I say to all such: "Nothing in the past is dead to the man who would learn how the present came to be what it is." Much has been written and said by our Northern friends as to the suffering of the Union soldiers in Southern prisons - Andersonville, Salisbury and other places - during that war. They draw an awful picture of their poor soldiers suffering and dying in Southern prisons. In some respects this was true. To be in prison of itself was bad enough, but to be there without proper food or medicine was very bad indeed. The South did not have the means, neither the medicine, but the prisoners in our care were put on the same footing as our own poor soldiers. The question is: Who was to blame for this state of things? The Confederate authorities made proposition after proposition for exchange of prisoners, but the Government at Washington positively declined. It is said that
General Grant said: "It was hard, and a great sacrifice, to leave the Union soldiers in Southern prisons, but it must be made; that the Confederates could not afford to leave their men in prison for want of men to take their place, but the United States could; to exchange the prisoners the Confederates would return to the army and go to fighting again." So here is the key to the responsibility for all the suffering and deaths on both sides in the prisons. The Confederate Government offered to let them send medicine South for their sick prisoners, but they declined to do that. It must be remembered the Confederate Government was shut in from the outside world, and could not secure necessary medicine, etc. Now, as to Andersonville, it was under the command of Wirtz, and since men have had time to cool off it has long since been decided that the hanging of that poor man was simply murder. He did the best he could for the poor prisoners there. General Dick Taylor in his book, "Destruction and Reconstruction," gives the following account of meeting with Wirtz, as his troops were passing Andersonville, during the march of Sherman through Georgia, in 1864: "In this journey through Georgia, at Andersonville, we passed in sight of a large stockade inclosing prisoners of war. The train stopped for a few moments, and there entered the carriage to speak to me a man who said his name was Wirtz, and that he was in charge of the prisoners near by. He complained of the inadequacy of his guard and the want of supplies, as the adjacent country was sterile and thinly populated. He also said that the prisoners were suffering from cold, were destitute of blankets, and that he had not wagons to supply fuel. He showed me duplicates of requisitions and appeals for relief that he had made to different authorities, and these I endorsed in the strongest terms possible, hoping to accomplish some good. I know nothing of this (man) Wirtz, whom I then met for the first and only time, but he appeared to be in earnest in his desire to mitigate the condition of his prisoners. There can be but little doubt that his execution was a 'sop' to the
passions of the 'many-headed.'" So, then, poor Wirtz was made a scape-goat to cover the sins of those who could have had those poor prisoners released at any time but would not. The sacrifice was made to quiet the poor prisoners and their friends. Many things will be settled at the great Assize, when the Judge of all shall sit in judgment. Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Let us have the official record on prison life, and see the truth of history:
        The North is said to be more healthy than the South, and yet of the 270,000 Northern soldiers in Southern prisons, only 22,000 died, while of the 220,000 Confederates in Northern prisons (50,000 less than we had of theirs) 26,000 died. The deaths in Northern prisons exceeded the deaths in Southern prisons four thousand men. While about eight per cent of the Union prisoners died, about twelve per cent of the Southern prisoners in Northern prisons died. "Tell it not in Gath, and publish it not in the streets of Askelon." Facts and figures are wonderful things. Now, I have made this long statement before coming to the "incidents of prison life," as seen by myself et al. I have done so for the purpose of trying to keep the record correct, that justice might be done to all, and history speak the truth.         I was shot in the first charge that was made at Spottsylvania Court-House, Virginia, early on the morning of the 9th day of May, 1864. The charge was made by our brigade, composed of the Fifth, Twelfth, Twentieth and Twenty-third N. C. Regiments, led by General R. D. Johnston. The charge was a success so far as the enemy in our front were concerned, but our lines were overlapped by Burnside's troops. Our regiment (the Twelfth) and our company (A), being on the extreme
for two or three days without any further attention to the wound, and the result was the flies "blowed" the amputated limb, and when I reached Alexandria City, some days later, the nurse who dressed the wound found that I was being eat up by the vermin. Just here I will state that on the last day spent at the field hospital there was a great rush in gathering us up in ambulances. Under great excitement, I said to the doctor who was supervising the movement: "Doctor, what is the matter?" He replied that "Burnside was falling back to get a better position." I had been in the army long enough to know that was an evasive answer. The fact was that our troops were driving Burnside back, and the Federals were not willing to lose any of their prisoners though maimed for life. The roads from this place were cut to pieces by the artillery and wagon trains of the Union army going to the front. Those of us who were badly wounded cried for mercy. No mercy came until we reached the boat-landing, where we (those living) were transferred from ambulance to the boat. I do not know how many died en route from the battlefield to the boat-landing. I do know that Charles P. Powell, Adjutant of the Twenty-third North Carolina Regiment, who had lost his leg just as I had, died on this trip, and they stopped on the roadside and covered him up. This young man Powell was from Richmond County, N. C. He was a private soldier at Malvern Hill, July, 1862. When in line of battle, in front of the artillery, a shell fell in the ranks. The men could not leave the line of battle. There lay the shell, sputtering, ready to explode. Young Powell sprang up, grappled the shell and "soused" it into a pool of water near by. What a risk was that! Yet that heroic act may have saved the lives of several men. Later that day he was wounded, and again at the battle of Gettysburg in July, 1863, and died as above stated. On page 189 of Volume II, North Carolina Regimental Histories, it is stated that C. P. Powell, Adjutant, was killed on the 9th of May, 1864, whereas the truth is he was shot on the 9th and his leg was
would take my turn at the bat. As soon as it was light enough to see I would sit upon my humble couch (I was myself a picture of humility) and commence a war of revenge. As they would take to the wall I would go for them, and before I left that prison many, many "bugs" were slaughtered, as the blood-stained wall bore testimony. Yes, that wall was well striped with Confederate blood. The loss of blood in that way, if not with as much pain, was attended with much more genuine disgust. How much I would have liked to "express myself," but my lips were hermetically sealed. I learned how to sympathize with Pharaoh and his people, though there is no statement that any of this kind were sent on him when Moses and the Israelites were asking permission to leave. In November, 1864, I (with others) was shipped off to Elmyra, N. Y. "Thus when I shun Scylla, your father, I fall into Charybdis, your mother."
Leaving the old Capitol Prison, I got away at least from the multitude of B. B.'s, but I ran into the B. L.'s - army body lice, or what the soldiers call "grey backs." Later on I may speak of my experience with this pest while in the small-pox camp.
We reached Elmyra, N. Y., on Sunday morning. Being in the mountains, the ground was covered with snow. Arriving at the barracks, we were lined up (I was on my crutches, and had to stand there on one foot for what seemed to me a very long time) just inside the gate, negro soldiers on guard. The commanding officer, Major Beal, greeted us with the most bitter oaths that I ever heard. He swore that he was going to send us out and have us shot; said he had no room for us, and that we (meaning the Confederate soldiers) had no mercy on their colored soldiers or prisoners. He was half drunk, and I was not sure but that we might be dealt with then and there. Then we were searched and robbed of knives, cash, etc., and sent into various wards. While we were standing in the snow, hearing the abuse of Major Beal, some poor ragged Confederate prisoners were marched by with what was
before reaching th soldiers. The truth is that there was a great deal of speculation and swindling carried on in the prisons; and I am ashamed to say it, yet it is true that sometimes some of our own men were engaged in the conspiracy to cheat and defraud their fellow-prisoners. It was in this way: those in charge of the prison would take Confederates and make ward-masters, etc., of them (like in prisons now a few are made "trusties"); and a little authority, even of that kind, would ruin some men. Some prisoners, like Jeshrun, grew fat, but others starved for want of suitable food and enough of it. Well, to go back a little, while standing there, receiving the profane blessing from Major Beal, I saw drawing near as he dared to venture an old fellow-prisoner that I had met in Washington, who had preceded me to this place. I do not remember his name. I had at Washington nicknamed him "Softy." He recognized me, and as Beal closed his eloquent abuse, and we were ordered to march into the barracks, "Softy" ventured in a low tone to speak to me. His greeting was: "Sherrill, you have come to hell at last. Did you see those four-horse wagons going out? They were full of dead men, who died last night. They are dying by hundreds here with small-pox and other diseases." He was discovered by one of the guards (standing too near us). He hollowed at him: "Get away from there." He got away immediately, if not sooner. When I reflected on the situation - the cursing major, the colored guards, the robbing us of our little stock of valuables, the barrel shirts, the wagons with the dead, the appearance of some of the living, the earth covered with snow - I thought, "Well, 'Softy' has given a true bill." When I was located, I found I had kinsfolk there: J. U. Long (now chairman of the board of county commissioners), Nicholas Sherrill and W. P. Sherrill. There may have been others, but I do not recall them now. My haversack had been supplied with rations on leaving Washington. When I was located in the ward, "Nick" Sherrill came to see me. Of course we were glad to see each other, for it had been many moons
fellow went and brought in the ward-master, and when he appeared it was Jack Redman, from Cleveland County, Company E, my regiment. Redman said, "Why, hello, Sherrill, was it you that was raising such a racket?" I told him it was. He wanted to know what was the matter. I explained that with my amputated limb it would never do to put me on a bunk with another fellow, and he finally consented to arrange for me to have one to myself. I said: "Redman, you must grant me another favor." He wished to know what it was. I replied: "I want you to let me keep my blanket that came over from the surgical ward." "Why so, Sherrill?" I said: "Jack, you see those blankets that you fellows have been using on these men - there are five 'army lice' to every hair on the blanket." Redman took a hearty laugh. He knew there was more truth in it than poetry, so he granted my request. Redman had had small-pox and was an "immune," hence was made a ward-master. He was especially kind and considerate towards me. When I got well and was carried away, I never knew what became of him. Some of our men who felt that the thing was gone, and that we could not succeed, never came back South. I am inclined to think that Redman did that thing. After the doctor had declared me well, and directed that I should be removed back to the hospital ward from whence I came, this was indeed glorious news; for of all the diseases that flesh is heir to, small-pox is the filthiest. The small-pox such as we had there was "sure enough" small-pox. Such as we have in North Carolina these days, in comparison with that, is only make-believe. I don't think it an exaggeration to say that seven out of ten who had it died. I was carried over into what was called a bath-house, where I was placed in a large bath-tub of water, almost too hot to bear. The Yankee soldier who had charge went out to look after something else or to loiter around, and I waited and waited for his return (the water was beginning to get cold) so I could get out and get clothing to put on. The atmosphere of the room was colder, if anything, than the
patriotic women of Richmond tried to be cheerful, but I could see plainly enough that they were depressed. While they were just as kind in their attention to the returning soldiers as in former days, yet it was evident that the cheerful hope of former days was gone. When I reached home I soon learned that many who were living on the 9th of May, 1864, when we made that charge, had been numbered with the dead. Among others was my nephew, James Ferdinand Robinson, a young man a few months younger than myself, a great favorite in the company, full of humor and wit. He was a sharp-shooter, and was found dead on the 12th of May, 1864, by Frank Turbyfield, of the Twenty-third Regiment. After the fighting on the morning of the 9th, he wrote a letter in pencil to his father, Marion Robinson, in which he stated: "My Uncle Miles was killed in the charge made early this morning." Two days later he was killed. I got home to read his letter relative to my death; but he, poor fellow, was gone. I have not seen the letter since 1865; so I only quote from memory what I remember.
Such is war. Many people have an erroneous idea about that war. They blame President Davis and President Lincoln for the whole thing; when in fact they were only placed at the head. Both made blunders; so would any one else in their positions. Davis was not an original secessionist, but went with his State. He was a United States Senator at the time, from Mississippi. He had served with distinction in the war with Mexico. Who has not read of "Colonel Jeff. Davis and his brave Mississippi riflemen"? Mr. Davis did not desire to be President; he desired to go in the army. He had been Secretary of War of the United States; had, as stated above, served in the United States army; so it was natural for him to prefer the army to being President. As to his taking the responsibility of making peace sooner, I have seen it stated that had he attempted to do so in 1864, on any terms save independence, the army and the people of the South would not have submitted to it. I think myself this is true. He, as
right, were exposed to an enfilading fire clear across an open field; so we were exposed to a fire from front and from the right. The enemy had torn down a rail fence and made temporary breast-works in our front, from which our men drove them, but could not hold the position because Burnside's whole army corps was on hand, and could easily have cut off our little brigade; so General Johnston gave the command to fall back. As our troops fell back, Sergeant Silas Smyre (now county commissioner of Catawba) and Corporal E. G. Bost endeavored to carry me from the battlefield. They were so exhausted from marching and fighting that they could not hold me up so as to prevent the crushed leg from dragging on the ground. To prevent their being captured, I begged them to leave me to my fate. (May I never forget this act of kindness by these brave men, who risked so much for me.) I was in the broiling hot sun, without water, my canteen having been shot in the fight, and the water all run out.
I was concealed from the enemy by some shrubbery. Late in the afternoon I realized that I could not live without water. The loss of blood, together with the burning rays of the sun, made me feel that life was about to ebb out; so I called to the enemy and surrendered. Here I commenced the life of a prisoner, which lasted ten months. Besides the suffering from wounds, the humility, the loss of liberty, the absence of all friends and loved ones, no face but that of enemies, was just about as much as I could bear up under in my condition. In that hour home and friends would have been "a haven of rest" sure enough.
The day following, May 10, 1864, when I was laid on the slaughter table, my eyes
caught the sight of arms and legs piled on the ground - an indication of what I might expect. Dr. Cox, of Ohio, examined my leg. The only conversation that passed between us was this: I said, "Doctor, can you save my leg?" He replied, "I fear not, Johnny." Chloroform was applied, and when restored to consciousness I was minus one limb. I lay there in what was designated "a field hospital"
amputated, and about the 11th or 12th of May he was jolted to death between Spottsylvania Court-House and Bell Plains. I venture the assertion that he was not buried two and a half feet deep; and the place is unknown to his people, who think he was buried on the battlefield. We were shipped to Alexandria City, where I spent three months in the "Marshall House," where the proprietor, Jackson, shot and killed Colonel Ellsworth, who tore down his Confederate flag in April, 1861, and Jackson was killed by Frank Brownwell, of Colonel Ellsworth's regiment. This hotel was used as a prison hospital for those who were permanently disabled. For awhile the patriotic women of Alexandria were permitted to visit us, and often when they would bid us good-bye a "green-back" bill or something else was left in our hand. However, before we were removed from there the good women were prohibited from coming to see us.
While a prisoner here our troops, under General Early came down near Washington City, and there was great excitement in Washington and Alexandria, for it did seem that the Confederates were going into Washington. We prisoners were expecting to be released and get home, but our expectations were soon blasted by the Confederates having to retreat back to the south side of the Potomac, and did not come via Alexandria. My next move was to the Lincoln Hospital in Washington City. Here I spent about two months. After I could walk with crutches I was transferred to the old Capitol Prison. I was honored with a seat in the old Capitol, but had to look through iron bars. While here I was guilty of "cruelty to bugs," if not to animals, in the common acceptation of that term. (Just here by way of parenthesis.) I know how to appreciate the traveling man's experience given by "Red Buck," in Charlotte Observer, of September 11, 1903. Night after night I suffered from the onslaughts of those "bugs" - no telling how much I endured. "Weeping endureth for the night, but joy cometh in the morning." They had all the "innings" at night, but in the morning I
designated as barrel shirts, with the word "thief" written in large letters pasted on the back of each barrel, and a squad of little drummer boys following beating the drums. The mode of wearing the barrel shirts was to take an ordinary flour barrel, cut a hole through the bottom large enough for the head to go through, with arm-holes on the right and left, through which the arms were to be placed. This was put on the poor fellow, resting on his shoulders, his head and arms coming through as indicated above; thus they were made to march around for so many hours and so many days. Now, what do you suppose they had stolen? Why, something to eat. Yes, they had stolen cabbage leaves and other things from slop barrels, which was a violation of the rules of the prison. One large, robust prisoner from Virginia was brought into the surgical ward where I was, having been seriously wounded by one of the guards. On inquiry, I learned that the poor fellow was caught fishing out scraps from a slop barrel and was shot for it. A small, very thin piece of light-bread with a tin pint cup full of what purported to be soup twice a day was the rations for the prisoners. I heard the men say: "My soup has only three eyes on it" - meaning there was no grease in it - only hot water. Now, this fare was not enough to sustain life in healthy, able-bodied men. The result was that where they could not make something - make rings, etc. - and thus secure something from the sutlers, many, yea hundreds of the poor fellows would be attacked with dysentery - so common and often so fatal in camp, and especially in prison life. The food they had seemed to be only enough to feed the disease; the result was that scores and hundreds died. Speaking of the light-bread, the Confederates would sometimes hold it up and declare "that it was so thin that they could read the New York Herald through it"; then they would grab it and squeeze it up in one hand till it looked about like a small biscuit. Men died there for the want of food. I do not know, it may be that the Government issued enough rations, but it had to pass through too many hands
since we had met. We were not in the same command in the army. "Nick" asked me if I had anything to eat. I replied, "Yes." He said: "I want to trade you a cup, spoon, etc., for some bread; I am about perished." Poor fellow, he looked the picture of despair. I said: "Nick, I do not want your cup and spoons, but you are welcome to what I have." He devoured in short order all that I had, and wanted more. Poor fellow, he soon died, as did W. P. Sherrill; died away from home and loved ones, buried by their enemies. I had to spend several days in the barracks before I was transferred to the surgical or hospital ward. I was there long enough to know why Cousin Nicholas was so anxious for my bread. After I was placed in the surgical ward of the hospital I fared fairly well - a great improvement over the fare out in the wards of the regular prison. After a few weeks I was taken with small-pox, and of course was transferred over S. Creek to the small-pox camp. I was carried over on a cot, or "stretcher," with blanket thrown over my face. When I reached the place, and the blanket was removed, I found myself in a large "wall tent," with several cots, or "bunks," about two and a half feet wide, with two Confederates on each "bunk," in reverse order, i. e., A's head at one end and B's at the other - so your bed-fellow's feet were in very close proximity to your face. They were all sandwiched in this way, because the bed was too narrow to admit of the two to lay shoulder to shoulder. On waking up on a morning one of these poor fellows would be dead and the other alive; this, of course, occurred day after day, and night after night. Well might those poor fellows, who had spent at least a part of the night with a corpse for a bed-fellow, have exclaimed with St. Paul, "Who shall deliver me from the body of this death?" When I took in the situation, I told the man who was going to place me on a bunk by the side of a poor fellow bad off with that awful disease (and who finally died) "that he could not put me on there." He replied "that he would show me whether he could or not." I stuck to it that I would not be put there. The
water. I was in great distress, and it seemed that I could make no one hear me; so I had to wait the return of the villain, who finally came when the water in the bath-tub seemed to me to be nearly to the freezing point. He came, bringing a full Yankee suit, and when I gave him a piece of my mind he apologized and begged me not to speak of it - said he had actually forgotten me. When I reached the hospital ward I was a blue man in feelings and in appearance. I was dressed in a Yankee suit, even to a cap. I felt humiliated, and my skin was blue from cold. But for the kindness of my comrades there, giving me of their allowance of spirits that night, I don't know but what I would have gone hence. Along toward the close of February, 1865, I with others, was marched to the train and shipped to Richmond. I think that was the happiest day that I ever experienced in my life. To get out of that death-hole was enough to make one happy; and to add to it the prospect of getting home to friends and loved ones, from whom I had been so long separated, not having heard from them in ten months, was indeed a treat. Many and great changes had taken place since I had left Dixie. I never did doubt that we would eventually succeed. I presume I was cheered up and was kept optimistic from the many rumors all the time in circulation that France and England would soon recognize our independence; which, of course, never took place. The air was filled with that and other rumors, not only in the Confederate army, but even in prison. Such rumors of great victories for the Confederate arms were all the time circulating among the poor fellows. As I came on from New York it looked to me as if the whole world was being uniformed in blue and moving toward General Grant's army. As we came up the James River, both sides were lined with soldiers dressed in blue. When we came to the Confederate lines, seeing such few ragged men confronting all that blue host, my courage came near failing me. In fact, I could not see how this little thin line of Confederates could hold at bay such a multitude of well-fed, well-equipped men. The
well as General Lee, had a hard time; they were both weighed down with trouble, cares and responsibilities. He had no more to do with the assassination of President Lincoln than you or I. He was cast into prison, manacled and placed in a dungeon. (General Miles would be glad now if he never had put shackles on him.) A soldier was placed where an eye always rested on Mr. Davis. This was a great annoyance to him.
General Dick Taylor, who succeeded in getting permission from President Johnson to visit President Davis at Fortress Monroe, makes the following statement: "It was with some emotion that I reached the casement in which Mr. Davis was confined. There were two rooms, in the outer of which, near the entrance, stood a sentinel, and in the inner was Jefferson Davis. We met in silence, with grasp of hands. Afterwards he said: 'This is kind, but no more than I expected of you.' Pallid, worn, gray, bent, feeble, suffering from inflammation of the eyes, he was a painful sight to a friend. He uttered no plaint, and made no allusion to the irons. He said 'the light kept all night in his room hurt his eyes, and the noise made every two hours by relieving the sentry prevented much sleep; but that matters had changed for the better since the arrival of General Burton, who was all kindness, and strained his orders to the utmost in his behalf,' etc." Mr. Davis was no doubt a great and good man, for General Taylor, on speaking of some kindness shown to him during the war, said: "No wonder that all who enjoy the friendship of Jefferson Davis love him as Jonathan did David." Had Mr. Davis been a traitor and rebel any more than other leaders of the South, and had he been guilty as charged, of course he would have been tried and executed. It was not done simply because it would have been an open violation of law, and the people of our country had had time to cool off. So Mr. Davis was released. We all believe that had Mr. Lincoln lived we never would have had to go through the farce and humility of reconstruction. Excuse me, Mr. Editor, for this divergence. I have done so "lest we forget; lest we
forget." There are many humorous, ludicrous, laughable things that occurred in prison life, connected with the negro soldiers (sparring between the colored guard and the Confederate prisoners) that will not do to publish; so I forbear to give any of them.
It is indeed wonderful how the prisoners would work to make a little money. One of the most common occupations was to make finger rings; they did some real nice work. Some of the men would secure a few cents, and on that little capital build up quite a business. Some had teachers and attended school. The teachers were, of course, fellow-prisoners with the pupils. As before stated, I was in the surgical ward while in New York, and had no personal experience in the traffic and trading above alluded to, for it was not allowed in the hospital wards. Mr. John Gray Bynum, of Mountain Creek township, was a ward-master while a prisoner at Elmyra (and made a good one, too). He could give some rich incidents of prison life; and so could our mutual friend Phillip A Hoyle, who was a prisoner at Point Lookout, Md. It may not be generally known that Mr. A. A. Shuford, of Hickory, one of our successful business men, made his start as a trader while a prisoner of war. It is my understanding that such is the case. It was while in prison that Mr. Shuford manifested a talent and a liking for trade and traffic, and on a small scale made a success while in prison. Having thus imbibed the business spirit while in prison, on his liberation and return home he left the farm and old homestead and went to Hickory and engaged in business with his brother "Dolph" and W. H. Ellis. How well he has succeeded is a matter of history, and who can tell what influence his experience in prison may have had on his subsequent life? A. A. Shuford and P. A. Hoyle belonged to the gallant Twenty- third North Carolina Regiment and suffered together at Point Lookout, where the water was impregnated with copperas, thus causing the death of thousands of as brave men as ever carried a gun. I am reminded that General Lee says in his memoirs
that he used every effort and means at his command to effect an exchange of prisoners, but General Grant refused.
As before stated, General Grant refused to exchange as a war measure, and it had the desired effect.
That there were some men in uniforms who might be classed as brutes is not to be denied; we are thankful the number was comparatively small. In the campaign into Maryland in 1862, our regiment was in the division commanded by the gallant Gen. D. H. Hill, who held the mountain passes against overwhelming numbers. My younger brother, James Albert Sherrill, who had been with us only six months, fell dangerously wounded just at the time the command was given to fall back. Of course he fell into the hands of the enemy; there, lying weltering in his blood, the enemy came on him, and instead of ministering to his wants, a brute in human form in uniform took his bayonet and stabbed the poor boy to death. I did not see this, but Alfred Sigmon, of Catawba County, who was also wounded, was an eyewitness to the tragedy. I give this incident as it came near to me; many others just as cruel might be given. It would not do to hold General McClelland or his true soldiers responsible for the conduct of a drunken, cowardly brute. The Union army was afflicted by having foreign soldiers who could not speak the English language. We have met the Union soldiers when many of them were so drunk they could hardly tell what they were doing.
There never was any trouble between true soldiers, whether they wore the blue or the gray. It was the warlike civilians who did not fight and the soldiers who were mere hangers-on and camp followers that made the trouble. But for the influence of General Grant and other army officers we would have fared much worse in the South after the close of the war than we did; they, as conquerors, became our protectors. The true soldiers could be seen exchanging coffee for tobacco, going in bathing at the same time, in the same river; and when the enemy fell into his hands as a prisoner he would
Page 20
Since writing the foregoing sketch I have received the following "Memorial Day Ode," from the pen of my friend, Rev. G. R. Rood, preacher in charge of Millbrook Circuit. It is so appropriate I let it be the closing chapter:
MEMORIAL DAY ODE.
The past is dead, long live the past;
And may its memory ever last
In hearts through which the Southern blood
Leaps on its way an untamed flood.
For we who bear the Southern name
Look on the past and find no shame
Attached to the cause which, though lost,
Was worth the life-blood which it cost.
And though the mournful willows wave
Over the low mounds which we lave
With bitter tears, we feel,
We know the future will reveal
That each martyred hero doth wear
A crown of heavenly laurel fair.
Each spot which heard the dying moans,
And which in death received the bones
Of those who freely gave their all,
In answer to the Southland's call -
No matter where they may be found,
Such spots are sacred, holy ground.
The heroes who sleep 'neath the sods
Rest in sweet peace, their souls are God's,
Until the Judgment trump be blown,
And wrong forever is o'erthrown;
Then they will rise up one and all
To answer to the Last Roll Call.
G. R. ROOD.
MILLBROOK, N. C.,
May 7, 1904.

Tents at Camp Letterman General Hospital, photographed by the Tyson Brothers in September 1863. Each tent is decorated with fresh boughs of cedar to ward off insects and cleanse the air. The town of Gettysburg is in the distance at the far right.
At the close of the battle, approximately 22,000 wounded soldiers of both armies required medical treatment. Some of the more fortunate with minor wounds were able to be treated and quickly removed from the area though more serious wounded could not be moved. Temporary "field hospitals" were established wherever there was a source of water and shelter, and every building was fair game: churches, farm buildings, private homes, and barns. For some, the only shelter available was provided by trees or a piece of canvas strung between poles. Wounded were everywhere, including a number of southern wounded left behind when the Confederates retreated. Lee's Medical Department attempted to transport many of their wounded back to Virginia though their suffering was terrible. Miles of wagons overloaded with wounded men bumped and jolted over muddy roads toward the Potomac, each bump causing more misery than can be imagined. Wounded southerners left behind may have been more fortunate. They fell into Union hands and were treated with equal care by Union surgeons already overworked by the vast amount of Union wounded. The hardships of the injured were only matched by the exhaustion of overworked doctors, attendants, and ambulance drivers. Regimental surgeons began the grisly task of sorting and treating the wounded while the battle raged. Surgical operations took place in the parlors of homes, in barns, or in the front yard of a farmer's house after which the wounded were set aside to be nursed by a handful of attendants. A steady flow of injured were treated by tireless surgeons who only took minimal rest and food during the days of the battle and the weeks that followed. Medical supplies began to run low as the battle ground to its bloody end and the situation was close to becoming a crisis.
Dr. Jonathan Letterman(Vast Sea of Misery)Treatment of the wounded left at Gettysburg was left up to the mercy of the Army of the Potomac. Dr. Jonathan Letterman, Medical Director for the Army of the Potomac, was not totally unaware of the difficulties in proper treatment of so many wounded and the difficulties his staff of doctors and regimental surgeons faced. Letterman had learned from his experiences in many difficult campaigns that proper medical care required swift action and the immediate disposal of staff, supplies and equipment within the battle area. Letterman also depended on the services of charitable organizations such as the US Christian Commission and the US Sanitary Commission to provide medical supplies and personnel to assist with temporary field hospitals and transport of the injured and maimed. As early as the first evening of the battle, Letterman had medical supplies, tents, and provisions on the way to Adams County. Dr. Letterman allowed regimental surgeons to do their work at the numerous temporary field hospitals, but knew that the hundreds of hospitals made support difficult on an already overburdened supply train. He issued orders on July 5, 1863, to establish a general hospital in the Gettysburg area and provide transportation and supplies to the site for treatment of the wounded. In his honor, the temporary hospital was named after him.
The site chosen for the vast hospital camp was on the George Wolf Farm, roughly one and one-half miles east of Gettysburg on the York Pike. The farm was adjacent to the main road and the railroad where a depot was established. Arriving trains would deliver a continual flow of supplies for the Gettysburg camp and transport convalescents to permanent hospitals in Philadelphia, Baltimore and Washington. Wolf's farm had good drainage, water and a ready source of firewood.
The hospital was ready by mid-July and staffed with a small army of surgeons, nurses, cooks, quartermaster and supply clerks while a detachment of infantry was detailed as camp guards to look after stores and hospitalized Confederate prisoners. A steady stream of ambulances brought injured Yanks and Rebs to the camp where each man was assigned to a bed in one of the large tents or wards. Miss Sophronia Bucklin was one of the first nurses assigned to Camp Letterman and arrived in mid-July, ten days after the camp was opened. "The hospital lay in the rear of a deep wood, in a large open field a mile and a half from Gettysburg, and overlooking it, the single file of rail which connected the battletown with the outer world... The hospital tents were set in rows, five hundred of them, seeming like great fluttering pairs of white wings, brooding peacefully over those up between these rows in order that they might dry quickly after summer rains. The ground, now sodded, soon to be hardened by many feet, was the only floor in the wards."
Hospital wards at Camp Letterman, September 1863.(National Archives)Though Camp Letterman was primitive by modern standards, the hospital was vast and impressive. One tent had upwards of 40 folding cots with mattresses and linen sheets, a real luxury for soldiers who'd laid on the hard ground or in hay lofts since being wounded. Nurses were assigned to a set of wards to bathe and feed the patients. A large cook house, built in the woods at the central heart of the camp, supplied soups, stews, and warm bread for meals. Warehouse tents were erected near the railroad to accommodate tons of supplies that arrived by railroad. A temporary morgue and cemetery were also established near the camp and deaths were quickly dealt with by a Christian burial attended to by an army chaplain. Agents and representatives of the US Sanitary Commission and US Christian Commission arrived and set up their respective headquarters at the camp. Both agencies provided services to the patients with nursing care as well as religious inspiration. Surgeons assigned to the camp worked around the clock treating the more seriously wounded while the ambulatory cases were set aside for transferral to permanent hospitals. Camp Letterman was filled to capacity by late July and eventually hosted over 1,600 patients. Hundreds more were treated by the medical staff in some of the temporary hospitals in Gettysburg churches and homes before they were emptied.
Open air surgery at Camp Letterman.(National Archives)Surgeons worked long hours in treating the wounded. Amputations were performed in front of a surgical tent pitched near the end of the rows of hospital tents. The surgeons were so skilled that the removal of an arm or a leg was accomplished in a matter of minutes and the unlucky soldier returned to his bed within the hour. Tools were washed with cold water and not properly sterilized, a common practice for that time. This lack of knowledge of bacteria and germs made for frightful cases of gangrene and tetanus, and infection was a major problem in the camp. Already weakened from the effects of wounds and surgery, those patients who suffered infections were also subjected to the added effects of diarrhea and dysentery.
Despite the threat of infection and effects of poor diet, most of the camp's patients weathered the surgeon's knife and survived their ordeal. While army medical staff labored in the camp, members of the Sanitary Commission worked near the railway depot, assisting in the transportation of wounded bound for permanent hospitals. Transportation was limited due to the single railroad line that entered Gettysburg and it was often a long wait until the next train arrived. One volunteer for the US Sanitary Commission recorded the task of caring for the wounded:
"The surgeon in charge of our camp, with his faithful dresser and attendants, looked after all their wounds, which were often in a most shocking state, particularly among the rebels. Every evening and morning they were dressed. Often the men would say, 'That feels good, I haven't had my wound so well dressed since I was hurt.' Something cool to drink is the first thing asked for after the long dusty drive, and pailfuls of tamarinds and water, 'a beautiful drink,' the men used to say, disappeared rapidly among them.
"After the men's wounds were attended to, we went round giving them clean clothes, had basins and soap and towels, and followed these with socks, slippers, shirts, drawers, and those coveted dressing gowns. Such pride as they felt in them! Comparing colors and smiling all over as they lay in clean and comfortable rows ready for supper, 'on dress parade,' they used to say. And then the milk, particularly if it were boiled and had a little whiskey and sugar, and the bread, with butter on it, and jelly on the butter- how good it all was, and how lucky we felt ourselves in having the immense satisfaction of distributing these things. Two Massachusetts boys, I especially remember, for the satisfaction with which they ate their pudding. I carried a second plateful up to the cars, after they had been put in, and fed one of them till he was sure he had had enough. Young fellows they were, lying side by side, one with a right and one with a left arm gone."
Wounded Confederates convalesce at Camp Letterman.(National Archives)Camp Letterman also experienced its share of visitors including families in search of loved ones. Adams Countians and curious civilians from Hanover stopped by the hospital to gawk at wounded Confederates reclining in the open air by their hospital tents. Treated with equal care by the Union surgeons and nurses, the southerners were later transported to northern prison camps. Many recovered from the effects of their wounds, after which they were paroled and exchanged to return to Confederate service.
Less than 100 patients remained at Camp Letterman by November 10 and it was officially closed a few weeks later. Tents were removed, remaining supplies taken to Washington, and the sole cook house dismantled. George Wolf returned his farm to its original purpose with only the camp graveyard remaining as a reminder of what had been established there. There had been remarkably few problems with the hospital and Dr. Letterman's goals had been met in treating and removing the wounded from Gettysburg and the surrounding farms. Camp Letterman was a role model for future military field hospitals and as The Adams Sentinel reported, "The arrangements of the Camp Hospital were so perfect and such constant and prompt attention given to the wants of the wounded, that the sufferings incident to those terrible results of war have been much ameliorated and the brave soldiers, who were the sufferers, will never forget Gettysburg."
US War Department marker at the site of Camp Letterman General Hospital on the York Road near Gettysburg.(Gettysburg NMP)
Inevitable commercial growth in Adams County and around Gettysburg has obliterated a majority of the site of Camp Letterman. All traces of the camp where so many men were treated for their wounds at Gettysburg are gone except for a small portion of the wood lot adjacent to a memorial tablet, erected by the United States War Department prior to 1914, located on Rt. 30. Union dead in the camp graveyard were removed to the Soldiers National Cemetery in 1864 and southern remains were exhumed between 1872 and
This page contains biographies of some of the major personalities, both North and South, involved in the American Civil War. These biographies are accompanied by an image of the individual where possible. However, they make no attempt to provide information concerning the

Born:Â April 11, 1794Â
Died:Â January 15, 1865
Edward Everett was a U.S. representative and senator from Massachusetts, diplomat, secretary of state, university professor and president, and vice-presidential nominee of the Constitutional Union party in the 1860 election.
Everett was born in Dorchester, Massachusetts, to Lucy Hill Everett, daughter of a wealthy family, and Oliver Everett, a judge and cleric, who died when the boy was eight. In 1811, young Everett graduated from Harvard College with highest honors. After completing his divinity degree in 1814, he began ministering at the Brattle Street Unitarian Church, Boston's most distinguished clerical position at the time. The next year, however, Everett accepted an endowed chair of Greek Literature at Harvard. The college paid him full salary to study at Göttingen University in Germany, where he received his Ph.D. in 1817. He studied and traveled throughout Europe for two more years, then returned to Harvard in 1819. Everett also became editor of the North American Review, the nation's leading literary journal, where he helped inspire the American Romantic movement. He married Charlotte Gray Brooks in 1822; they had six children.
Already a renowned public speaker, Everett won a Congressional seat in 1824, as a member of John Quincy Adams's National Republicans. During his five terms in Congress (1825-1835), Everett promoted industrialization, trade protectionism, a national bank, and opposed the forced removal of the Cherokees and other tribes from the South to the West. Because of the economic ties between the Massachusetts textile industry and Southern cotton plantations, he did not criticize slavery.
Everett helped found the Whig party in his home state, and was elected to the first of four, one-year terms as governor of Massachusetts in 1835. As governor, he supported funding for internal improvements and public education, including the establishment of America's first teachers' college in 1839. That same year, he was defeated for reelection by one vote.
In 1841, President William Henry Harrison, a Whig, named Everett as minister to Great Britain, where he served until 1845. In that post, he helped ease Anglo-American tensions over a border dispute and other issues, resulting in the Webster-Ashburton Treaty of 1842. Everett served as president of Harvard from 1846 to 1849, during which the Lawrence Scientific School was established, and black men were allowed to take the college's entrance exam (none was admitted).
In 1850, Everett returned to the state department under Secretary Daniel Webster, authoring the Hülsemann Letter which stated American sympathy for the Hungarian revolution. Upon Webster's death, President Millard Fillmore tapped Everett to head the state department during the administration's remaining four months. In his short tenure as secretary of state, Everett was involved in negotiations which led to a commercial treaty with Japan (1854), and he issued a strongly-worded renunciation of a British-French proposal to guarantee Spain's permanent control of Cuba.
In early 1853, Everett was elected to the U.S. Senate by the Massachusetts legislature. He denounced the Kansas-Nebraska bill which opened the territories to slavery, but an absence caused by illness prevented him from voting against the bill. Constituents, angered over his failure to vote against the pro-slavery measure, forced his resignation after only 15 months in office. As the slavery issue increasingly polarized opinion during the 1850s, Everett tried to stake out a moderate position, particularly through public speeches delivered across the country. His orations emphasized the patriotic and nationalistic themes of union, most notably in his speech "The Character of Washington."
In 1860, Everett was nominated for vice president by the Constitutional Union party. He and presidential nominee John Bell of Tennessee, representing the conservative remnant of the former Whig party, vaguely called for adherence to union and the constitution over the divisive issue of slavery. They did well in the border states but lost to the Republican ticket headed by Abraham Lincoln.
Once the Civil War began, Everett became a leading public spokesman for the Union military cause. On November 19, 1863, he was the keynote speaker at the dedication of the Gettysburg national cemetery, where he delivered a two-hour oration. Everett's words, however, were eclipsed at the time and ever since by the brief closing remarks of President Lincoln's famous "Gettysburg Address." A humbled Everett remarked to the president afterward, "I should be glad if I could flatter myself, that I came as near to the central idea of the occasion in two hours as you did in two minutes." In 1864, Everett strongly supported Lincoln's reelection, but did not live to see the president's second inauguration.
Sources consulted: American National Biography; Biographical Directory of the United States Congress.
Source consulted: Biographical Directory of the United States Congress.

Born:Â April 12, 1791Â
Died:Â October 18, 1876Â
Francis Blair was an influential journalist and behind-the-scenes politico who was a leading force in Abraham Lincoln’s presidential nomination in 1860. Blair had earlier been a Democrat and a member of President Andrew Jackson’s unofficial group of advisors known as the "kitchen cabinet." He established the Washington Globe (1830-1849), which he edited, as an organ of the Democratic party. In 1834 he was one of the developers of the Congressional Globe, which continues today as the Congressional Record. Blair became involved in the free-soil movement in the 1840s and helped found the Republican party in the mid-1850s. During the Civil War he gained President Lincoln’s approval to conduct peace negotiations with Confederate President Jefferson Davis. The talks were unsuccessful. After the war the elder Francis Blair found himself in opposition to the Reconstruction policies of the Radical Republicans, so he rejoined the Democratic party.
One of Blair’s sons, Montgomery, served as Lincoln’s postmaster general. Montgomery Blair was a conservative and former Democrat from Missouri. In 1864 he was forced to resign as part of an informal deal that saw Radical Republican John C. Frémont, Blair’s bitter enemy from Missouri, withdraw from the presidential race. The younger son, Frank (Francis Jr.), served in the Union army in the Missouri theater (for a time), where he was at odds with General Frémont. Frank Blair rose to the rank of major general. In 1868 he was the unsuccessful Democratic nominee for vice president.
Sources consulted:Harper’s Encyclopedia of United States History; FunkandWagnalls.com; “Francis Blair,� Richard Latner, “Crisis at Fort Sumter� Website, Mark M. Boatner, The Civil War Dictionary; David Herbert Donald, Lincoln.

Born:Â August 27, 1809Â Died:Â July 4, 1891
Hannibal Hamlin was a U.S. representative and a U.S. senator from Maine and U.S. vice president (1861-1865) under President Abraham Lincoln. Hamlin worked at a variety of jobs before being admitted to the bar in 1833. As a Democrat he served in Maine's lower house (1836-1841), occasionally as its speaker (1837, 1839, 1840), in the U.S. House of Representatives (1843-1847), and in the U.S. Senate (1848-1856). In 1856 he switched to the Republican party and was elected as Maine's first Republican governor. After less than two months in office he was elected to the U.S. Senate (1857-1861).In 1860 he was selected by the Republicans to be the vice-presidential running-mate of Abraham Lincoln. Because of his darker complexion, rumors circulated that he was part black. In 1864, hoping to gain the support of War Democrats, the Republican party replaced Hamlin with Democrat Andrew Johnson, who ran with Lincoln under the National Union label. After the Civil War Hamlin again served in the U.S. Senate (1869-1881) where he supported the Reconstruction policies of the Radical Republicans. He ended his political career as U.S. minister to Spain (1881-1882).
Source consulted: Biographical Directory of the United States Congress; The Complete Book of U.S. Presidents, ed. William A. DeGregorio.

Born:Â September 18, 1812Â Died:Â August 16, 1880
Herschel Johnson was a Georgia governor, judge, and U.S. senator, who was the vice-presidential nominee of the Northern wing of the Democratic party in 1860. In 1834 he graduated from the University of Georgia and was admitted to the bar. He ran unsuccessfully for Congress in 1843 and for the Democratic gubernatorial nomination in 1847. He completed the U.S. Senate term of Walter Colquitt (1848-1849). Thereafter he was a superior court state judge (1849-1853) and governor of Georgia (1853-1857). After the Democratic party divided in 1860, primarily Northern delegates selected him as Stephen Douglas's vice-presidential running-mate. Following the election of Abraham Lincoln as president and the secession of Georgia, Johnson remained loyal to his state. During the Civil War he served in the second Confederate congress (1862-1865). In 1866 he was elected to the U.S. Senate, but Radical Republicans in Congress refused to seat him. Subsequently, he practiced law and served as a circuit court judge (1873-1880) in Georgia.
Source consulted: Biographical Directory of the United States Congress.

Born:Â April 23, 1791Â Died:Â June 1, 1868
James Buchanan was a Democratic politician and diplomat whose single term as U.S. president (1857-1861) saw seven states from the Deep South secede from the union. He is often considered to have been among the worst presidents in American history.
James Buchanan was born near Mercersburg, Pennsylvania, to Elizabeth Speer Buchanan and James Buchanan, a storekeeper. He attended school at a local academy then nearby Dickinson College, graduating in 1809. He studied law in Lancaster and was admitted to the Pennsylvania bar in 1812. He proved to be a successful lawyer and an astute investor, quickly accumulating substantial wealth.
Buchanan entered politics at an early age, serving in the Pennsylvania legislature (1814-1816) as a Federalist and in the U.S. House of Representatives (1821-1831). He eventually became a Democrat and a supporter of Andrew Jackson, who as president appointed him to be the U.S. minister to Russia (1832-1833). After he returned to America at the end of Jackson’s second term, the Pennsylvania legislature elected Buchanan to the U.S. Senate. His closest friends were Southerners and he took a pro-Southern position on most sectional issues, including slavery. He believed that the institution of slavery was legally and constitutionally protected, and he endorsed the exclusion of abolitionist materials from the U.S. mails, the gag rule that tabled antislavery petitions to Congress, and the annexation of Texas as a slave state.
In 1844 Buchanan was a candidate for the Democratic presidential nomination, but a deadlocked convention turned to dark horse candidate James K. Polk. After Polk became president, he appointed Buchanan as his secretary of state, but, dismayed with the Pennsylvanian’s indecisiveness, the president largely administered foreign policy himself. In 1848 and 1852 Buchanan again unsuccessfully sought his party’s presidential nomination. Although he hoped to serve as secretary of state once more under President Franklin Pierce, he was assigned to be minister to Great Britain.
Buchanan gained notoriety in his new position when he and the American ministers to Spain and France met in Ostend, Belgium, in 1854 to draft a policy recommendation for President Pierce. They suggested that the United States try to buy Cuba and, if Spain was unwilling, to seize the island by force. When the Ostend Manifesto, as it was dubbed, was leaked to the press, it created an uproar, with supporters and detractors dividing primarily along sectional lines.
In early 1856 Buchanan resigned and returned to America in order to secure the Democratic presidential nomination. This time, he was successful. He went on to win the presidency with a plurality of the vote against two other candidates. Some southerners had threatened to secede if the Republican nominee, John C. Frémont, won the election. During his presidential term, therefore, Buchanan attempted to appease southern concerns in order to preserve the union. His policies, however, only contributed to more sectional animosity.
In the interim between election and inauguration, Buchanan tried to exert undue influence on one of the Supreme Court justices who was deciding the Dred Scot case. The decision, announced two days after his inauguration, affirmed in sweeping terms the southern view that neither the federal nor territorial government could ban slavery in the territories. Although the president thought the decision would settle the matter, it further exacerbated sectional tensions, including within the Democratic party, and strengthened the Republican party.
Buchanan’s handling of the slavery issue in the Kansas territory also widened the divide between northern and southern Democrats. To the dismay of Stephen Douglas, leader of the northern wing of the party, Buchanan endorsed the pro-slavery Lecompton Constitution. Submitted to Congress by a rump legislature, it would have allowed Kansas to enter the union as a slave state, against the wishes of the anti-slavery majority in the territory. The Buchanan administration did everything it could to ensure passage, including a resort to bribery. While the Senate approved the Lecompton Constitution, it was narrowly rejected by the House after a bitter fight. The damage done to the Democratic party and national unity was almost irreparable.
President Buchanan pursued an expansionist foreign policy, stoking Republican fears of a political conspiracy to expand slavery. His administration failed in attempts to purchase Alaska and Cuba and to impose a protectorate on northern Mexico, but did secure trade treaties with China and Japan. The Buchanan presidency was plagued by a series of scandals, making his administration one of the most corrupt in American history. An economic depression also undermined the president’s popularity.
Douglas had broken publicly with Buchanan over the Lecompton Constitution, so the president worked behind the scenes to derail the senator’s reelection in 1858. Douglas prevailed, but discord with the Democratic party increased. The final break came at the 1860 Democratic National Convention in Charleston, South Carolina. Buchanan aides joined forces with southern radicals to stop Douglas’s nomination for president. After the convention failed to endorse a federal slave code for the territories, the southern delegates walked out and reconvened in Richmond to nominated Vice President John Breckinridge for president. The northern Democrats met in Baltimore and nominated Douglas. The split in the Democratic party allowed the Republican candidate, Abraham Lincoln, to win the presidency.
When seven states of the Deep South left the union after Lincoln’s election, Buchanan condemned northern antislavery agitators. The lame-duck president denied both a constitutional right to secede and the constitutional authority of the president to intervene and stop the process. Instead, he called for a constitutional convention to draft amendments protecting slavery in the South and in the territories. Yet, Buchanan remained a unionist and would not recognize the Confederate seizure of federal property. After the Star of the West, an unarmed
Henry Raymond was the first and long-time editor of the New York Times and a Republican politician.
Henry Raymond was born in Lima, New York, to Lavinia Brockway Raymond and Jarvis Raymond, who were farmers. A precocious child, young Raymond was reading at age three and reciting speeches at age five. He studied at a local Methodist prep school, then at the University of Vermont, where he was a standout speaker and a contributing writer for the New Yorker, edited by Horace Greeley. Raymond graduated summa cum laude in 1840. That same year he entered politics by campaigning for William Henry Harrison, the Whig presidential candidate.
Raymond moved to New York City hoping to gain full-time employment with the New Yorker. After a brief apprenticeship, he was made an editorial assistant, but had to augment his low salary by writing items for out-of-state newspapers and ad copy for patent medicines. In 1841 Greeley launched the New York Tribune, a penny paper that served as the organ of the Whig party, and Raymond followed the editor as his chief assistant. Although both men were Whigs, Raymond disagreed with his boss’s affinity for reform schemes, especially socialism. In 1843 he left the Tribune for a better-paying position as associate editor for the Morning Courier and New York Enquirer, published by James Watson Webb. In 1848 Raymond joined forces with representatives from five other New York newspapers to form a cooperation news-gathering service, the Associated Press.
In 1844 and 1848 Raymond campaigned for the Whig presidential candidates Henry Clay and Zachary Taylor, respectively. He also ran for public office himself, gaining election to the New York state legislature in 1849. Reelected in 1850, his Whig colleagues in the majority selected him to serve as speaker. In that same year he also began a six-year stint as the first managing editor of Harper’s Monthly. At this time he began to speak and write against the immorality of slavery and its expansion into the western territories. When Webb censored one of Raymond’s Courier and Enquirer editorials, he quit. In 1851 Raymond and George Jones founded the New York Times, with Raymond serving as its first editor. It quickly enjoyed high circulation and became one of the nation’s leading newspapers.
In 1852 Raymond was a major force behind the Whig nomination of Winfield Scott for president. The editor gained renown for an anti-slavery speech he delivered at the convention, even though the delegates crafted a platform that waffled on the issue. In 1854 New York Whigs nominated Raymond for lieutenant governor. During the campaign he spoke against the Kansas-Nebraska Act, which repealed the Missouri Compromise ban on slavery in the Louisiana Purchase territory. He and the Whig candidate for governor, Myron Clark, were elected by a slim margin.
The days of the Whig party were numbered, though, and like many northern Whigs, Raymond gravitated to the new Republican party. In fact, he was one of the founders of the Republican party in New York and helped draft its original charter. He transformed the Times into a solidly Republican newspaper, although it was officially independent of the party apparatus. In 1857 the Times moved into a new five-story building on the corner of Nassau Street and Park Row. In 1859 he personally covered the Franco-Austrian War for the paper, sending back realistic battle reports.
Raymond traveled to the 1860 Republican National Convention in Chicago as a delegate for fellow-New Yorker, Senator William Henry Seward, but loyally endorsed the party’s eventual nominee, Abraham Lincoln. During the campaign Raymond published a series of open letters to former Representative William Yancey, a southern fire-eater who was traveling through the North arguing for the constitutionality of secession. The Times editor countered with the theory that the constitution created a perpetual union that could not be dissolved, and that secession would provoke war.
During the Civil War the Times was a staunchly pro-Union paper, and it shifted from its prewar anti-slavery-expansion stance to endorse abolition as a war aim. Raymond attended some of the battles himself, including First Bull Run (Manassas) at which he prematurely telegrammed of Union victory. For protection during the Draft Riots in New York City, he installed Gatling guns on the roof of the Times building. Under his direction, the Times expanded its circulation and influence and was barely able to keep up with the demand for its papers.
Raymond was elected to the state legislature in 1861 and was again chosen as speaker. In early 1863 he hoped to take Preston King’s vacated seat in the U.S. Senate, but Edwin Morgan was selected, instead. Raymond was in accord with Lincoln’s policies and authored a campaign biography of the president in 1864 and drafted the National Union platform. That same year the Times editor was elected to Congress by a margin of less than 500 votes. He strongly supported Lincoln and, initially, his successor, Andrew Johnson, against the Radical Republicans. After voting against the Civil Rights Act of 1866, though, he voted for the 14th Amendment that granted citizenship and federal civil rights protection to black Americans. Critics accused him of inconsistency.
In 1866 Raymond organized a National Union convention, which Radicals condemned for its control by Democrats. His involvement cost the Times readership and, therefore, revenue. Within a few months he concluded that the Radicals were correct about the National Union party, and the Times endorsed the Radical Republican candidate for New York governor and began criticizing President Johnson. In Congress, however, Raymond voted against both the impeachment resolution and the Radicals’ military Reconstruction bills. After Raymond’s term ended, Johnson nominated him to be minister to Austria, but the Senate tabled the nomination indefinitely. He remained as the editor of the Times until his death in 1869.
Fort Sumter, Buchanan took no further provocative action and handed the precarious situation over to the incoming president, Abraham Lincoln.
Buchanan retired to his "Wheatland" estate outside of Lancaster, Pennsylvania. Reviled by critics, the former president published his memoirs in 1866 in which he defended his public actions as constitutional and proper.
Source consulted:American National Biography

Born:Â September 1, 1795Â Died:Â June 1, 1872
James Gordon Bennett was the founder and the editor of the New York Herald, a leading New York daily of national influence and importance. He was one of a core group of publishers and editors who transformed and modernized journalism in the mid-nineteenth century.
James Gordon Bennett was born in New Mill (Keith), Scotland, to a Roman Catholic farming couple (names unknown). He attended public school, as required by law, then at fifteen he entered Blair College, a Catholic seminary in Aberdeen, to train for the priesthood, as his family desired. He had been having doubts about Catholicism and organized religion in general, so he left the seminary after four years. He later renounced his faith and was stridently critical of the Catholic Church in his editorials. Although evidence is limited, he apparently spent the next five years traveling to historical sights in Scotland, reading, and occasionally writing for a periodical.
In 1819 Bennett emigrated to Nova Scotia where he taught bookkeeping, then moved to Portland, Maine, and on to Boston by January 1820, where he was enthralled by the historical sights of the Revolutionary War. He worked for three years in Boston as a proofreader and a bookseller for a printing house, then was hired by the Charleston Courier in South Carolina. He translated news from Spanish newspapers for the Courier, and was able to observe the slavery system for which he gained sympathy. After ten months he moved, in late 1823, to New York City where he worked as a freelance newspaper writer and editorial assistant.
In late 1826 he was hired by Mordecai Noah as the Albany and Washington correspondent for the New York Enquirer. Bennett has been credited with introducing the French style of writing with panache and verve into American journalism which had been predominated by a more stolid, argumentative English style. In 1829 the Enquirer merged with James Watson Webb’s New York Courier and Bennett became the associate editor covering political and banking issues. The Courier and Enquirer was the nation’s highest circulation newspaper and placed its power behind the Andrew Jackson administration, with Bennett writing editorials defending the president’s attack on the National Bank. When the paper abruptly switched allegiance, he quit.
Bennett failed in attempts to start his own paper, the New York Globe, and to buy Francis Blair’s Washington Globe. In 1833 he started a new daily, the Philadelphia Pennsylvanian, as a pro-Jackson Democratic paper, but he lost financial support when he criticized Martin Van Buren. He returned to freelancing in New York City, where he noted the phenomenal success of Benjamin Day’s New York Sun, the first penny paper, sold daily by newsboys on the street rather than relying solely on annual subscriptions.
In May 1835 Bennett began publishing the New York Herald, which combined public interest stories, sensational reports of crimes and disasters, and coverage of national and international news. In April 1836 the Herald shocked readers with front-page coverage of the murder of a prostitute, Helen Jewett. During this episode, Bennett is credited with conducting the first newspaper interview. That same year the Herald initiated a cash-in-advance policy for advertisers, which would soon become standard newspaper practice. By the end of the decade the Herald and the Sun were the two highest-circulation dailies in America, a distinction the Herald carried until Bennett’s retirement.
In December 1836 Bennett added a weekly edition of the paper, the Weekly Herald, which was a precursor of 19th century weeklies like Leslie’s and Harper’s and 20th century newsmagazines like Time and Newsweek. He was quick to use new technology or methods for news transmission—railroads, news-boats, carrier pigeons, pony express, telegraph. He added interest to his paper with illustrations produced from woodcuts. The newspaper’s sensationalism and Bennett’s eagerness to attack other editors in print, led to the "Great Moral War" of 1840 in which rivals organized a boycott of the Herald by vendors, advertisers, and subscribers. The boycott was partially successful since the Herald lost circulation which was not regained until 1844.
The Herald was officially independent of party ties, a fact reflected in its presidential endorsements of Whigs Harrison and Taylor, Democrats Polk and Pierce, and Republican Frémont. In his editorials, Bennett advocated America’s expansion into all of North America and the Caribbean as its "Manifest Destiny." In New York state and municipal politics, he usually supported challengers against incumbents. He defended slavery and Southern states’ rights, but balked at slavery’s expansion.
Although he had backed Frémont in 1856, Bennett threw his support to the Buchanan administration as sectional tensions rose. In 1860 the Herald at first endorsed John Breckinridge, then in August shifted to John Bell. Even though he opposed Lincoln’s election and presidential policies, Bennett backed the Union cause in the Civil War. He promoted General George McClellan, but the Herald endorsed no candidate in the 1864 presidential race. After Lincoln’s assassination, Bennett took a lead role in transforming the late president into a martyr. The editor favored most of Johnson’s lenient Reconstruction proposals against those of the Radical Republican congressmen.
In 1866 Bennett handed the reins of the Herald, still the highest-circulation and most profitable newspaper in America, over to his profligate, 25-year-old son, James Gordon Bennett Jr., under whose control the paper declined steadily. On his deathbed Bennett Sr. returned to the Catholic faith and received last rites in 1872.
Sources consulted: American National Biography; Dictionary of Literary Biography; James L. Crouthamel, Bennett’s “New York Herald� and the Rise of the Popular Press.

Born:Â February 18, 1796Â Died:Â September 10, 1869
John Bell is best remembered as the 1860 presidential nominee of the Constitutional Union party, one of four candidates vying to become the nation's chief executive in that critical election.John Bell was born in Mill Creek, Tennessee, to Margaret Edminston Bell and Samuel Bell, a blacksmith and a farmer. In 1814 he graduated from Cumberland College (Nashville) and two years later began to practice law. In 1817 he was elected to the state senate, then after serving one term he became a prominent attorney in Nashville. In 1827 he was elected to the U.S. House of Representatives, where he would serve seven consecutive terms. Although he personally opposed President Andrew Jackson's veto of the charter renewal for the Bank of the United States, Bell felt politically compelled to support the president's popular gesture. The congressman did, however, oppose efforts to remove bank deposits from the national bank. Bell was several times a losing candidate for speaker of the house, developing a rivalry with fellow Tennessean James K. Polk.
In the late-1830s Bell began affiliating with the nascent Whig party. In 1841 he was appointed by the first Whig president, William Henry Harrison, to be secretary of war, but served only a few months. Upon Harrison's sudden death, the new president, John Tyler, sided with the states' rights Democrats, provoking Bell and other cabinet members to resign in September 1841. For the next six years Bell invested in railroads and manufacturing, while working in Tennessee politics against Polk. Although his rival was elected president in 1844, Bell helped the Whig party deny the Democratic nominee victory in his home state.
In 1847 Bell was again elected to the state legislature, whose Whig majority promptly promoted him to the first of two terms in the U.S. Senate. He reluctantly supported the Compromise of 1850, which sought to quell the controversy over the expansion of slavery that the war with Mexico had reanimated. Although initially vacillating on the issue, Bell cast the only Southern vote in the Senate against the Kansas-Nebraska Act of 1854. Democrats took over the Tennessee legislature and denied Bell a third term, ending his Senate career in March 1859.
A remnant of the defunct Whig party reorganized as the Constitutional Union party and held a national convention in Baltimore in May 1860. Delegates nominated Bell for president and Edward Everett of Massachusetts for vice president. Their strategy was to win enough electoral votes to send the election into the House of Representatives, which, with four parties competing for the presidency, was a distinct possibility. In the final tally, though, Bell carried only three states-Tennessee, Kentucky, and Virginia-while Lincoln swept the north to win an electoral college majority.
During "secession winter," Bell at first remained silent, then issued a letter tepidly disavowing the legitimacy and value of secession. In late January Bell denounced secession before a large Nashville audience, then traveled to Washington to meet with President Lincoln. Tennessee voters overwhelmingly rejected a referendum on secession, but the state finally left the Union after the firing on Fort Sumter and Lincoln's call for troops. At that point, Bell endorsed secession unenthusiastically and removed himself from public life. The war did substantial damage to his mines and mills, and he died in 1869.
Source consulted: American National Biography

Born:Â January 21, 1821Â
Died:Â May 17, 1875
John Breckinridge was a U.S Senator from Kentucky, the vice president under James Buchanan, the presidential candidate of the National Democratic party (Southern Democrats) in the critical 1860 election, and a Confederate general and (briefly) the Confederate secretary of war.
John Breckinridge was born in Lexington, Kentucky, to Mary Smith Breckinridge and John Cabell Breckinridge Sr. The family had a tradition of holding public office. Young Breckinridge's father was a state representative and his grandfather had been a U.S. senator. The senior John Breckinridge died in 1823 leaving his son to be raised by the boy's mother and grandmother. In 1839 the young man graduated from Centre College (Kentucky), then studied law at the College of New Jersey before completing his degree at Transylvania University (Kentucky) in 1841. He opened a law practice in Burlington, Iowa, but two years later returned to Kentucky, where he prospered in the profession.
During the Mexican War Breckinridge served as a major with the Kentucky volunteers. At the war's conclusion, he was elected to the state's lower house (1849-1851) as a states' rights Democrat, then won a seat in the U.S. House of Representatives (1851-1855). He played a key role in adding the repeal of the Missouri Compromise ban on slavery to Stephen Douglas's Kansas-Nebraska Act and in securing House approval for the final bill. Breckinridge himself sponsored no major legislation but was a popular political figure. In 1856 delegates to the Democratic National Convention selected him as James Buchanan's vice-presidential running-mate. Inaugurated when only 36 years old, he was the youngest vice president in American history. Buchanan did not include him in policy-making, so the vice president eagerly awaited returning to the U.S. Senate upon John Crittenden's retirement in 1861.
When the Democratic party split into sectional factions in 1860, Breckinridge was nominated for president by the Southern wing, who called themselves the National Democrats. Concerned that a divided party would allow the Republicans to triumph, he offered to decline the nomination if Douglas would reject his nomination by the Northern wing. Douglas declined, and both men remained in the race. Although Breckinridge was a slaveowner who supported the constitutional protection of slavery and the right of secession, he was not one of the radicals. He captured all the states in the Deep South, but Lincoln won the presidency with an electoral-college majority.
During the interval period, Breckinridge worked for a compromise and supported the attempt by Kentucky's government to remain neutral. When Kentucky formally sided with the Union in September 1861 and state officials tried to arrest him, he joined the Confederate army as a brigadier general. He accumulated a notable military record, fighting at Bowling Green, Shiloh, Baton Rouge, Stones River, Vicksburg, Chickamauga, and Missionary Ridge. He rose to the rank of major general, then served as the Confederacy's last secretary of war during what would be the closing months of the war. He opposed efforts to prolong the war with guerrilla fighting after Lee's surrender.
Following the war he fled to Cuba, then to England and finally to Canada. President Andrew Johnson pardoned him on Christmas Day 1868, allowing him to return to Kentucky a few months later. Although he forswore politics, Breckinridge urged sectional reconciliation and criticized the Ku Klux Klan. He was employed as a railroad executive until his death in 1874.
Source consulted: American National Biography

Born:Â September 30, 1817Â Died:Â December 9, 1881
John Forney was born in Lancaster, the heart of Pennsylvania Dutch country; of German extraction. At the age of thirteen, he left school to begin working, first in a store, then as an apprentice to the printer of the Lancaster Journal. In 1837, he purchased an interest in the financially troubled Lancaster Intelligencer, for which he became editor. In two years, he was able to make the newspaper profitable enough to allow him to merge it with the Journal. Forney used the newspaper to promote the political career of James Buchanan, a fellow Democrat from Lancaster. In 1845, Forney was named by President Polk as surveyor of the port of Philadelphia. Moving to that city, he became co-owner and editor of another newspaper, the Pennsylvanian.
Forney was elected as clerk of the U. S. House of Representatives in 1851, serving in that position until 1855. In 1852 he became editorial writer for a Democratic party newspaper, the Washington Daily Union. In 1854, he became a partner and helped the newspaper secure printing contracts with the House of Representatives, thereby providing it with a handsome, steady income. He left the clerkship of the House to work on Buchanan’s presidential election campaign. After his election in 1856, Buchanan was unable to secure a political position for Forney, so the journalist returned to Philadelphia in 1857 to start an independent Democratic newspaper called the Press. He soon began to support Stephen Douglas in his fight against the Buchanan administration over the Kansas question. Forney was reelected clerk of the House in 1859, and, as a Republican, served as secretary of the Senate from 1861 to 1868.
In 1861, Forney established the Washington Sunday Morning Chronicle, adding a daily edition (the Daily Morning Chronicle) in 1862. The newspaper’s expansion was allegedly at the urging of President Lincoln, who wanted the journal to counter criticism of the administration by the New York Tribune. In the Press and the Chronicle, Forney supported Lincoln and, in the beginning of his term, Andrew Johnson. The editor soon joined the Radical Republicans, though, to become one of the Johnson’s most strident critics. Uncharacteristically, the President refused the temptation to counterattack, explaining "I do not waste my ammunition on dead ducks." But Johnson’s disparaging dismissal of Forney itself became ammunition in the arsenal of Thomas Nast and other political cartoonists who used "dead duck" to symbolize Johnson’s lack of political clout.
In 1870, Forney sold the Chronicle and again returned to Philadelphia, where in 1871 he became collector of the port. In 1878, he established and edited Progress, a weekly magazine. Switching back to the Democratic party, he authored the campaign biography of Democratic Presidential nominee Winfield Scott in 1880. He also published Anecdotes of Public Men (2 vols., 1873-1881), The New Nobility (1881), and other works. He died in Philadelphia.
Sources consulted: Dictionary of American Biography; Mark Summers, The Press Gang.

Born:Â December 14, 1801Â Died:Â April 19, 1881
Joseph Lane was a senator from Oregon and the 1860 vice-presidential nominee of the National (or Southern) Democratic party. He was born in Buncombe County, North Carolina, to Elizabeth Street Lane and John Lane. In 1810 the Lane family moved to Henderson, Kentucky, where young Joseph was educated in the common schools and worked in a general store. In 1821 he moved to Indiana to farm, and was elected the next year to the lower house of the state legislature. He was reelected to several terms before winning a seat in the upper house in 1844. He served a brigade commander in the Mexican War, and was brevetted a major general in 1847. President James Polk appointed him as territorial governor of Oregon (1849-1850). He then won the first of four elections as the territory's congressional delegate (1851-1859), and was elected in 1859 as a Democrat to be one the new state's first U.S. senators.
When the Democratic party split over the issue of slavery expansion in 1860, the National (or Southern) Democrats nominated Lane as the vice-presidential running mate of presidential nominee John C. Breckinridge. After their defeat, Lane retired from public life. He died in Oregon in 1881.

Born:Â April 21, 1809Â Died:Â July 18, 1887
Robert M. T. Hunter was a U.S. senator from Virginia who was a leading candidate for the Democratic presidential nomination in 1860. He graduated from the University of Virginia in 1828 and was admitted to the bar two years later. He served in the Virginia assembly (1834-1837), the U.S. House of Representatives (1837-1843, 1845-1847), and the U.S. Senate (1847-1861). During the Civil War Hunter served as the Confederate secretary of state (1861-1862) and in the Confederate Senate (1862-1865), where he was occasionally president pro tempore. In February 1865 he was one of the Confederacy’s commissioners to the unsuccessful Hampton Roads peace negotiations. After the war he served as Virginia’s state treasurer (1874-1880).
Source consulted:Biographical Directory of the United States Congress

Born:Â April 23, 1813Â
Died:Â June 3, 1861
Stephen Douglas was a U.S. Senator, a leading advocate of "popular sovereignty," the drafter of the controversial and consequential Kansas-Nebraska Act of 1854, and the presidential nominee of the Northern wing of the Democratic party in 1860.
Stephen Douglas was born in Brandon, Vermont, to Sarah Fisk Douglass and Stephen Arnold Douglass (the younger Douglas dropped the final "s" from his family name in 1846). His father died when he was an infant, and his mother moved the family in with her father and bachelor brother. In his youth, Douglas worked as an apprentice cabinetmaker. He was politically inspired by the presidential campaign of General Andrew Jackson in 1828 and became a life-long Democrat. In 1830 his family moved to Canandaigua in upstate New York, where he studied at the town's academy.
Three years later Douglas began to study law under a local lawyer, but impatiently stopped after six months and moved to the "west," where training and qualification for the bar were less stringent. His journey took him through Cleveland, Cincinnati, Louisville, and St. Louis before he put down stakes in Jacksonville, Illinois, in November 1833. The next year he was admitted to the Illinois bar, although the administering judge urged him to continue his legal studies.
Douglas was one of the pioneers at adapting the new Jacksonian party system-with its committees, conventions and partisanship-to Illinois. He became a leader in the state Democratic party, and was elected state's attorney before he turned 22. In 1836 he was elected to the state house of representatives, but the next year he moved to Springfield and was appointed to the land office of the new state capital. In 1840 he became secretary of state, but was appointed the following year to the state supreme court, the youngest justice ever to serve in that body. In 1838 he had narrowly lost a race for Congress, and in 1842 was unsuccessful in a bid for the U.S. Senate (he was not of legal age to qualify). He finally won a seat in the U.S. House the next year after the Illinois legislature implemented a redistricting plan. He served two terms in the House, then won election in 1846 to the first of three consecutive terms in the U.S. Senate.
In the Senate, Douglas became a leader of the northern Democrats and played a pivotal role in the major issues of one of the most crucial periods (1846-1861) in the nation's history. Nicknamed "the Little Giant," the diminutive Senator (5' 4") was a scrappy fighter and a tireless worker, whose powerful orations on the Senate floor drew capacity crowds to the galleries. He was both an advocate of states' rights and an avid Unionist.
Douglas was also a promoter of America's territorial expansion to fulfill its "manifest destiny," as the catch phrase of the time put it, to become a continental republic from sea to shining sea. To that end, he supported the annexation of Texas and of the entire Oregon Territory and backed the expansionist war against Mexico. To encourage settlement of the new American west, he proposed homestead legislation and pushed Congress to subsidize a transcontinental railroad to run from the Mississippi Valley to the Pacific Coast. As chair of first the House then the Senate Committee on Territories, he sponsored bills to establish seven territories: Oregon, Minnesota, Utah, New Mexico, Washington, Kansas, and Nebraska.
It was the Mexican War that reintroduced the issue of slavery into the national political discussion; specifically, whether slavery would be allowed to expand into the western territories. Douglas took a middle ground between the northern antislavery view that the federal government could ban slavery in the territories and the southern proslavery position that the Constitution protected the institution there. He advocated, instead, what he believed was a more democratic, fair, and workable solution: let the voters of the territories decide the issue themselves-"popular sovereignty." The Illinois senator was instrumental in the passage of the Compromise of 1850, which allowed the Utah and New Mexico territories to be organized on the basis of popular sovereignty, while permitting California to enter as a free state, which its residents overwhelmingly desired. He personally believed that slavery was ill-suited for transplantation to the west and that the settlers would reject it.
In order to accelerate the settlement of the west, Douglas drafted and introduced a bill to establish two territorial governments in part of the Louisiana Purchase land. By allowing the citizens of the territories to vote on the slavery issue, Douglas's Kansas-Nebraska Act of 1854 repealed the Missouri Compromise ban on slavery in that area. Passage of the bill ignited a political firestorm that caused the collapse of the Whig party, the birth of the Republican party, and the widening of a fissure between the northern and southern wings of the Democratic party. Henceforth in the 1850s sectional politics because more volatile and violent. Pro- and antislavery forces in Kansas created competing territorial governments and engaged in bloody guerrilla warfare.
In 1857 the U.S. Supreme Court ruled in the Dred Scott case that slavery was, as many southerners had insisted, constitutionally protected from interference by federal or territorial government. That decision undercut Douglas's remedy of popular sovereignty, but he responded with his "Freeport Doctrine" (named after one of the sites of the Lincoln-Douglas debates). He argued that territorial citizens could circumvent the letter of the decision by refusing to pass legislation ("slave codes") that supported and protected the institution; consequently, he reasoned, slaveowners would not venture to a territory where their investment in slaves was insecure.
Douglas's tactical response to the Dred Scott decision angered southern Democrats. During the winter of 1857-1858, he further alienated himself from southern Democrats and their northern allies, such as President James Buchanan, when he vehemently opposed the Lecompton constitution, drafted by the proslavery factional legislature in Kansas.
Later in 1858 Douglas held a series of seven debates with his Republican senatorial challenger, Abraham Lincoln. The sole topic discussed was the issue of slavery, and because Douglas was a major figure in national politics, the debates received national press coverage. The debates matched two powerful thinkers and hard-hitting speakers and are justifiably famous in American history. Although Douglas was reelected to the Senate by the Democratic state legislature, Lincoln became a national name for the first time and a contender for the Republican presidential nomination in 1860.
Douglas had been a losing candidate for the Democratic presidential nomination in 1852 and 1856, but was in a position to take the prize in 1860. The Democratic nominating convention met in April 1860 in Charleston, South Carolina. The southern delegates arrived determined to have the party endorse in its platform a federal slave code for the territories. The northern delegates, led by Douglas, were equally adamant that their party would not endorse such a territorial slave code. The fierce disagreement led many southern delegates to walk out of the convention and reconvene in Richmond, where they nominated Vice President John C. Breckinridge for the presidency. Northern Democrats reconvened in Baltimore and nominated Douglas for the presidency. Meanwhile, the Republicans nominated Lincoln and a group of former Whigs organized the Constitutional Union party and nominated John Bell for president.
It was customary that presidential candidates did not campaign actively for the office. Douglas broke with tradition, however, to undertake a speaking tour where his opposition was strongest, New England and the South. He urged southerners not to leave the union if Lincoln was elected. When the Republican's election provoked the secession of seven states from the deep south, Douglas searched for a compromise that would save the union. Once the Civil War began, he pledged his support to President Lincoln and the fight to save the union. Weakened by years of overwork and excessive drinking, Douglas died in June 1861 while on a trip to secure Illinois' support for the union cause. His final words were a message for his sons: "Tell them to obey the laws and support the Constitution of the United States."
Source consulted: American National Biography
by Andy Waskie
The decades preceding the outbreak of the American Civil War witnessed an unprecedented influx of immigrants who sought security and opportunity in America. The overwhelming majority of these foreign born settled in the North and were especially attracted to urban areas or communities where their compatriots were already established. From 1820 to 1860 approximately four million people immigrated to the fledgling United States. The majority of these came from:
The German States (c. 500,000) particularly after the social and political upheaval of the 1848 revolution;
Ireland (c. 1,000,000) most as a result of economic hardships brought on by the infamous "Potato Famine";
England (c. 300,000) many of whom came from the depressed areas of Scotland and Wales.
Although newly arrived, these hearty souls adapted quickly. Most took out American citizenship, sent their children to school and in the case of the Germans, made attempts to learn English. Politically, most were loyal to the Union, with many supporting the Republican party. The Irish were an exception to this, however, as they became ardent Democrats, forming the backbone of the machine politics of the great cities of the East. Upon the outbreak of hostilities of 1861, these ethnic groups responded to Lincoln's call for troops in stirring fashion. Often, men from the same background and origin banded together to form regiments from the states where they had settled. Others joined local units and served with their native born neighbors. The overwhelming majority of these foreign born immigrants served loyally and well in the Union armies. It was an absolute falsehood, however, that the majority of all Federal troops were foreign born, as was an oft repeated assertion of the Southern and British press of the time. Based on enlistment rolls and other official reports and stated in round figures, out of approximately 2,000,000 Union soldiers enlisted during the war over two-thirds (2/3) were native born Americans. Thus, only under one-third (1/3) of all troops were non-natives distributed approximately as follows:
German c. 200,000
Irish c. 150,000
British c. 150,000
Canadians c. 50,000
others c. 75,000 (mostly European)
Comparing the percentage of native and immigrant troops to the total population of the North (c. 21,000,000) reveals that the per capita percentage total enlistments from both groups is approximately equal. Thus, we can assert that the foreign troops did their fair share of service in their adopted land for the cause of Union. Overall comparison of the ethnic makeup of the regiments in Federal service shows that:
- in 75% of these units the majority was of native American birth;
- in 7% the majority were German;
- in 6% the majority were Irish;
- in a further 6% the proportion of native to non-native born was equal
- in the the remaining 6% we find a mixture of troops of diverse origin, including Colored troops.
The contribution of the foreign born immigrant troops to the cause of the Union was decisive in securing victory over the Confederacy. The loyalty and patriotism of these new Americans, with a few exceptions, never flagged. Their efforts helped insure a united country and a secure future for the nation.
Since most foreign born troops were scattered throughout the volunteer state regiments, it is difficult to single out any "American" regiments for the outstanding individual contributions of its foreign born elements. One need only scan the muster rolls of the average Union regiment to recognize the significant roll of the foreign born whose names appear there.
As a typical case of an immigrant who served most admirably in a non ethnic regiment, I can state the record of Michael Dougherty, buried in St. Mark's Cemetery in Bristol, Pennsylvania who enlisted in a company of cavalry composed of mostly Irish immigrants from the Northern Liberties section of Philadelphia, which was mustered into the 13th Pennsylvania cavalry regiment. The majority of this regiment were native born. For valor in action in Virginia in 1864, Dougherty received the Medal of Honor.
It is easier, however, to chronicle the service and record of regiments wholly or mostly composed of a particular foreign origin, in order to illustrate the role of these troops in the Civil War. The listing which follows attempts to name some of the more famous of the foreign units.
German speaking elements
Immigration from the German speaking areas of Europe, including the as yet un-united German states, Austria, Switzerland, Alsace-Lorraine, etc. was particularly heavy prior to the Civil War, mainly because of economic and political troubles which culminated in the revolution of 1848. These new settlers had not had enough opportunity to become assimilated and retained their language and customs despite their intense loyalty and feelings for their new homeland.
The Germans, or "Dutch" as they were derisively called (Deutsche is the German word for "German," hence the confusion with the name for Hollanders) were resented by their native born neighbors, as are all new immigrant at the 1st Battle of Bull Run.
McClellan granted Blenker permission to form a division of German regiments from the Army of the Potomac.
Blenker's German Division
1st Brigade: (Stahel) 8th, 39th, 45th N.Y., 27th Penn. 2nd Brigade: (Steinwehr) 29th, 54th, 68th N.Y., 73rd Penn. 3rd Brigade: (Bohlen) 41st, 58th N.Y., 74th, 75th Penn., 4th N.Y. Cavalry with Schirmer's, Wiedrich's, Sturmfels' Artillery batteries.
The division was assigned to Fremont's corps in the Mountain department and the Shenandoah Valley. Command passed to Carl Schurtz. The division under Schurz was incorporated into Franz Sigel's corps of Pope's Army of Virginia. In September of 1862, shortly before Antietam, the army corps was reorganized and the German division now mixed with American regiments became the IX Corps of the Army of the Potomac, initially under Sigel, then entrusted to Oliver O. Howard just before the battle of Chancellorsville. Transferred to the Western army, the corps merged with the XII Corps to form the XX Corps in April 1864. The XX Corps served under Sherman in the West until the end of the war. By the time of the consolidation the German character of any unit larger than a regiment had been lost through field losses, muster out, conscripts and an admixture of Americans.
One unique regiment forming an original part of the Blenker division is noteworthy. The "Garibaldi Guards" (the 39th New York Volunteer Infantry) was composed mainly of Italians and Germans, but with a unique admixture of men included real Zouaves from Algiers, foreign legionnaires, Cossacks, Indian Sepoys, Turks, Slavs, Swiss, Spaniards and Austrians. Its commander, Colonel D'Utassy, was a Hungarian who had been a circus trick rider. He proved to be a rogue, however, later spending time in prison. The unit was uniformed in the distinctive green and plumes of the Italian Bersaglieri -- light Infantry.
The Irish
Arriving in America mainly to escape social and economic deprivations in their homeland, the Irish flocked to our shores in the two decades preceding the Civil War. Settling for the most part in the urban centers of the North, they formed a most powerful minority. The Irish were to be found mostly in Massachusetts, New York, Pennsylvania and the urban areas of other Northern states. Although they spoke English, they were often the object of scorn and hatred from the native born population due to religious, cultural and class differences. In addition, the native born Americans feared they would form a cheap labor source and take away jobs.
The Irish were mostly loyal to the Democratic party, but many enthusiastically answered Lincoln's call for troops to defend the Union only, since abolitionist sentiment was low among them. Mention of the Irish in the Civil War brings immediate thought to the most celebrated Irish organization in the Union army, the Irish Brigade. Organized by Thomas Francis Meagher of New York, it was composed of the "Fighting 69th" New York Infantry Regiment (originally a militia unit), the 63rd, and 88th New York, the 28th Massachusetts and later the 116th Pennsylvania. The Irish Brigade distinguished itself through all the great battles in the East, priding itself on the fact that it never lost a flag or a gun to the enemy. Later in the war as the ranks filled with conscripts, however, the Brigade did suffer some humiliation.
There were several other wholly or mainly Irish regiments which served in the Union armies from New England (the 9th Massachusetts, for example) to Wisconsin (the 11th Wisconsin), but most Irish were dispersed throughout the units of the American born. They were also well represented in the small Regular Army.
Other nationalities
Other groups which made significant communal efforts within the Federal armies also deserve to be mentioned. Though their numbers are small in relation to the Germans and Irish, they loyally answered the call to defend their adopted land.
French
The 55th New York Volunteer Infantry (the Lafayette Guard) organized by Count Philippe R‚gis de Trobriand and composed of many French residents of New York, distinguished itself on the field of battle early in the war. Later it was consolidated with the 46th New York.
Italians
The 39th New York (the Garibaldi Guard) contained many Italians, but this unit was mostly German speaking and boasted a large and diverse contigent of ex-patriots from around the world.
Poles
The 58th New York (Pulaski Guard) contained many German speaking Poles from the Prussian and Austrian ruled sections of partioned Poland. Its commander, Colonel Krzyzanowski, was a brigade commander of the XI Corps at Gettysburg.
Scandinavians
Large numbers of hearty Norwegians and Swedes had recently settled in the mid-West, particularly Wisconsin and Minnesota, prior to the Civil War. These Scandinavians answered the call to service and formed some ethnic units which served in the Western campaigns. Perhaps the most famous of these was the 15th Wisconsin, whose commander, Colonel Heg, died at Chickamauga.
Scottish
The famous 79th New York "Highlanders" was composed principally of men of Scottish birth. They sported kilts, bonnets, and were accompanied by the bagpipes, but at the battle of 1st Bull Run wore tartan "trews" (trousers) of the Cameron clan, to honor its Colonel. Though they did once mutiny, they later gave good service in action.
The number of ethnic regiments in the Union army is small compared to the vast number of units raised. But most immigrants scattered throughout the Northern states ended up joining their neighbors in local organizations, thus effectively bringing their contribution to an individual level indistinguishable from the American born majority.
Also lost from view are the contributions of the English and Canadian immigrants who served nobly and for the most part anonymously alongside their American born brothers-in-arms. Many varied peoples from all areas of the earth seemed to have participated in the cause of Union. There were even American Indian regiments raised in the West. Attempts were made to attract Mexicans to the ranks, and several thousand immigrant Jews served with distinction, one being awarded with the Medal of Honor for valor. There were also reports that Orientals saw some limited action.
America is a land of great diversity, and nothing is more diverse than the myriad of origins of its people. We are an immigrant nation whose ancestors sought opportunity in a new homeland. As if to demonstrate their belief in an eventual united people and hope for the future, they wholeheartedly supported the Union cause in the Civil War. This support was paid in both blood and sweat, for these recent arrivals fought and died in every battle and engagement of the war, and they who stayed at home provided the labor to clothe, feed and supply the armies. By their deeds did these newly arrived prove their devotion to the cause of Union. Without their considerable contributions, it is very doubtful whether the Union could have been preserved.
Major sources
Commager, Henry Steele, ed. The Blue and the Gray , Fairfax Press. New York. 1950.
Lord, Francis A. They Fought for the Union . Telegraph Press. Harrisburg. 1960.
Long Description:From the Wikipedia website on Jesse James: (visit link)
Jesse Woodson James (September 5, 1847 – April 3, 1882) was an American outlaw and the most famous member of the James-Younger Gang. After his death, he became a legendary figure of the Wild West.
Contents1 Early life2 Civil War3 After the Civil War5 Downfall of the Gang6 Assassination
Early lifeJesse Woodson James was born in Clay County, Missouri, near the site of present day Kearney. His father, Robert James, was a commercial hemp farmer and Baptist minister from Kentucky who helped found William Jewell College in Liberty, Missouri. Robert James traveled to California during the Gold Rush and died there when Jesse was three years old. After his father's death, his mother Zerelda remarried, first to Benjamin Simms, and then to a doctor named Reuben Samuel. After their marriage in 1855, Samuel moved into the James home. Jesse had two full siblings: his older brother, Alexander Franklin "Frank" James, and a younger sister, Susan Lavenia James. In addition, Reuben and Zerelda eventually had four children: Sarah Louisa Samuel (sometimes Sarah Ellen), John Thomas Samuel, Fannie Quantrell Samuel, and Archie Peyton Samuel.
The James-Samuel family took the Confederate side at the outset of the war. Frank James joined a local company recruited for the secessionist Missouri State Guard, and fought at the battle of Wilson's Creek, though he fell ill and returned home soon afterward. In 1863, he was identified as a member of a guerrilla squad that operated in Clay County. In May of that year, a Union militia company raided the James-Samuel farm, looking for Frank's group. They tortured Reuben Samuel by briefly hanging him from a tree, and according to legend beat the young Jesse. Frank escaped. He is believed to have joined the guerrilla organization led by William C. Quantrill, and to have taken part in the notorious massacre of some 200 men and boys in Lawrence, Kansas. Contrary to legend, there is no evidence that Jesse ever rode with Quantrill's Raiders, as they would later be known.
Frank followed Quantrill to Texas over the winter of 1863–4, and returned in the spring in a squad commanded by Fletch Taylor. When they arrived in Clay County, the sixteen-year-old Jesse joined them. In the summer of 1864, Taylor was severely wounded, losing his right arm to a shotgun blast, and Frank and Jesse joined the bushwhacker group led by Bloody Bill Anderson. Though Jesse suffered a serious wound to the chest that summer, the Clay County provost marshal reported that both Frank and Jesse took part in the Centralia Massacre in September, in which some twenty-two unarmed Union troops were shot dead. The guerrillas ambushed and defeated a pursuing regiment of federal troops, shooting dead all who tried to surrender. As a result of the James brother's activities, their family was exiled from the state of Missouri by the Union military authorities. Anderson was killed in an ambush in October. Frank followed Quantrill into Kentucky, and Jesse went to Texas under the command of one of Anderson's lieutenants, Archie Clement. They returned to Missouri in the spring. Contrary to legend, Jesse James was not shot while trying to surrender; rather, as biographer Ted P. Yeatman shows, he and Clement were still trying to decide on what course to follow after the Confederate surrender when they ran into a Union cavalry patrol, and Jesse suffered a life-threatening chest wound.
After the Civil WarThe end of the Civil War left Missouri in shambles. The conflict split the population into three bitterly opposed factions: antislavery radical Unionists, who became the Republicans; the proslavery conservative Unionists, who became the Democrats; and the secessionists. The radicals had pushed through a new state constitution that freed Missouri's slaves but excluded the former Confederates from voting, serving on juries, becoming corporate officers, or even preaching from church pulpits. The atmosphere was volatile, with widespread violence between individuals, armed gangs of radicals, and those bushwhackers who remained under arms.
Jesse, bed-ridden with h