Letters from soldier that first name start with W
Camp near Falmouth, Va. May 30th, 1863
Dear Uncle,
I am in receipt of yours of the 6th inst. and was glad to hear from you for if there is anything a soldier appreciates it is a prompt correspondent. I have some correspondents who seemed very anxious I should write to them but their anxiety does not seem to extend any farther. I think I shall expurgate all such characters from my list, for it is manifestly our duty to flee temptation and if there is anything that tries my patience it is to await an answer after it is due.
I received your letter soon after coming back from across the river and it found me in very much in such a frame of mind as a certain king of France must have been in"Who marched up the hill and then marched down again"
It is not necessary for me to give you the particulars of Hooker's movements nor their results as you have already heard these from the newspapers in better form than I can give them. though for the satisfaction of expressing my own opinion I will assert that if Sedgwick had been able to hold the heights of Fredericksburg our success would have been complete and glorious and if the 11th Corps had not broken and run. Hooker would not have been obliged to weaken Sedgwick's force so but that he might have held those heights.
We failed to accomplish much this time, but we are bound to thrash the rebs, in the end.
I suppose you have also learned the most important particulars of the part our Co. and Regt. took in the late movement but I will relate our doings as they occurred, as a connected, detailed account of them may not even so late as this, be wholly uninteresting to you.
At midnight Monday, April 27th we were ordered to pack up and march. We marched till 10 A.M. next day and halted in the vicinity of Bank's Ford. Where we built corduroy till noon Wednesday when we marched still farther up the river and camped for the night near U.S. Ford, During the night it rained, and as we had most of us lain down without pitching our tents we got pretty well soaked. When we awoke in the morning I found myself lying in puddle of water big enough for a small fish pond. I made rally on a slash fence close by and soon had a fire to dry our clothes and blankets and cook breakfast by.
That day we did not march much, but stopped to be mustered for pay. The troops are mustered for pay the last day of every second month and also to wait for the engineers to lay the pontoons: At length everything being in readiness we started to cross the river. Which we did about 7 P.M. April 30th. We scrambled up the steep banks on the opposite side over the rebel earthworks and gaining the crest of the heights sat down to rest. Here was presented to our view a sight such as even a soldier does not often see. The scenery of itself was wild and picturesque. With steep precipitous banks on either side covered with dense pine and cedar and the dark river, spanned with two lines of pontoons, swiftly flowing between, and down the defiles on one side and up through them on the other unending lines of baggage, artillery, ambulances, pack mules, horses, beeves, and contrabands and troops with their polished arms brightly gleaming in the setting sun exhibited the "pomp and circumstance of war" as I never saw before. In a short time we resumed our march turning into a piece of woods which proved to be a vast forest called "The Wilderness", it was near midnight before we halted which we did in the edge of the woods bordering on a small clearing. We remained here till next day, Friday forenoon. About 10 A.M. we heard cannonading and musketry not but a short distance off: we knew then that the ball had opened, and that we should have an invitation to join in. About 2 P.M. we were ordered to fall in and march. A quarter of a mile or so through a small piece of woods brought us to a large house standing in a large clearing about a mile square at the intersection of the turnpike running from Fredericksburg to the village of Wilderness and the plank road running from Fredericksburg to Orange Court House. This brick house constitutes the here after to be famous town of Chancellorville. On reaching this place we turned to the left and proceeded along the turnpike towards Fredericksburg. We now began to meet the wounded returning from the fight; some on foot and some in ambulances. The more gritty ones call out give it to them boys, others more faint hearted would assure us we would soon get enough of it. After marching along this "pike" about a mile we turned into a field on the left where we rested on our arms a few moments, we were then ordered to cross the road into another field which we did loading as we went. We were then ordered to advance into a piece of woods and deploy as skirmishers.
When a regt. acts as skirmishers it is usually divided into two parts, one to go in advance, and one to remain back in supporting distance as a reserve. The reserve remains in two close ranks while the advance is formed into single file rank, the men being five paces apart, This formation is called deploying. This time our Co. was in the reserve. We continued to advance into the woods half or three quarters of a mile, the hostile batteries playing over our heads. This was my first experience under fire. Soon our advance was seen coming back as if they were in a hurry, we waited until they came up and found the rebs advancing on our right flank with the intention of cutting us off. We fell back towards the road. and then towards Chancellorville the rebs following after With yells like so many devils. soon after gaining the road we passed Syke's regulars drawn up in line of battle across the road with two pieces of artillery planted in the road. We had just fairly got in the rear of these, the rebs yelling behind us, when one of the most terrific reports of firearms fell upon our ears that mortals ever heard, the earth fairly trembled beneath our feet. The rebel yells and cheers most suddenly ceased, and they went back full as fast as they came on. Joining the rest of our brigade we formed in line of battle in the field by Chancellorsville, and then filed into the woods north of the road forming a line perpendicular to it. As soon as this position was taken Col. Brooks com'd'g brigade called on Col. Bingham of our regt. for his three best Cos to go forward as skirmishers. Co. D was one of the three called for, we all went in advance this time, as the rest of the brigade could act as a support, We advanced something like half or three quarters of a mile so that we could see through the woods into the field beyond where we could see the rebs marching in and forming in line of battle. They were so near I could plainly hear the commands of their officers such as guide center, half right, etc. Presently they sent out a line of skirmishers to meet us, each of us took a tree and waited till they came within proper distance when we gave them a few volleys which they returned and then fled. We remained where we were which position we held all night watching the enemy. Soon after we had driven the rebel skirmishers back their batteries opened on us but as they did not get our range, their shells had no other effect than to trim out a few trees and amuse us a little. It was now dark and as I laid on the ground at the foot of a tree, I busied myself watching the shells as they came both directions: (our batteries were replying now) with their long trains of fire like comets, rushing towards each other and screeching and howling like mad demons in fierce conflict.
After a while this ceased and nothing was to be heard except the notes of the whipperwill, and the sound of busy axes showing that our men were preparing for the expected battle of the coming day. Just before daybreak we marched back into works made by our troops during the night. These works consisted of two lines, a picket line in front made by felling trees the same as in making a slash fence and another work other eighty rods back made by felling trees in the same way and strengthed with earthworks, and intended to be held by a line of battle. We stopped in the outworks. soon after sunrise the rebel sharpshooters came out and we exchanged compliments for a little while without doing much damage on either side. Then the batteries took it up and we had shell music till most noon. At noon we fell back to the line of battle where we found the rest of our regt. Nothing occured during the afternoon except that the rebs shelled us pretty sharp occasionally, causing us to lie low in out ditches. Just after sundown the 64th was ordered back to the works we occupied in the morning. The fight was now raging in it's fierest fury. The blaze and roar of cannon and musketry, along a line the length of which of which must be computed in miles, troops marching to and fro, relieving and being relieved, officers riding at full speed along their lines shouting their commands to their men; shells tracing their firing lines through the darkness of the night screeching and howling, over our heads and bursting and crashing among the trees, dense rolling clouds of battle smoke and a pale calm moonlight resting upon the whole, formed a scene strange, terrible and sublime. We occupied the works all night but no rebs appeared during the night. Some of us were lucky as to find some spades and shovels which we used to advanage in entrenching ourselves and it was lucky we did so, for me at least as the events of the morrow proved! Early Sunday morning those of us who were on the lookout described the rebel lines approaching through the woods. We saluted them with a discharge of firearms along our whole line and the action became general. The rebels steadily advancing on our works with a desperation and valor worthy of a better cause as fast as one fell, another stepped into his place. For two hours we loaded and fired as fast as we were able, but the rebs hard pressed on until they were so near that they began to pick away the brush that they might get at us and some even began to thrust with the bayonet wounding One man in the arm. We were now nearly out of ammunition , some having fired the last round. The order was given to fix bayonets, which we did, intending to give the enemy a bloody reception if they attempted to come over to us. Just at that instant they broke and ran leaving a perfect winrow of dead and wounded behind them, while cheers of victory went up from the gallant 64th.
During the action a ball penetrating the slight earthwork I had thrown up the night before struck me squarely in the breast, just below the collar bone, it hurt considerably but did not injure me any. The ball was warm when I picked it up. The dirt saved my life and I found as a card player would say that spades were trump that time. Eight of our Co. were shot dead in the works and four wounded. Russel Wilmarth was the second man on my right and almost within reach of me and Philander Kellogg was the second man on my left the fourth man on my left Charles Morey of Freedom was also killed. A stump to my left between me and Albert Adams, was hit a good many times as I could tell by the spat, spat of the balls as they struck. I do not know that I killed anybody, for I did not look after firing long enough to see, but I believe we killed and wounded more than our number, and I think it hardly possible I did not hit anyone, for I took good aim and I could easily hit a man at twice the farthest distance I had to shoot there. I am not anxious to know that I killed a man for if I should survive the war, I shall feel full as well not to know it.
Soon after the retreat of the rebels we were relieved by the 27th Conn. We had not much more than got out of the way when the rebels returned to the charge turned the right flank of the 27th and captured almost the entire regiment. Thus we again narrowly escaped being taken. As we fell back through the woods we had to run a perfect gauntlet of shot and shell. Our works were in the form of a horseshoe, the heel riding on the river, and the rebs shelled us from the front and both flanks. Go where we would the shells flew and burst around us in every direction, one shell passing within a few feet of me cut one man in two and wounded Frank Osborne in the leg. The weather was hot and the old leaves in the woods were so dry that they took fire in many places from the bursting shells and a great part of the woods was burnt over. In some places where we had to march the heat and smoke were almost suffocating. Everywhere we could hear guns going off which had been thrown away loaded, and shells bursting which had not exploded before.
Altogether it was such a sabbath as I never saw before and never desire to see again. I could not help but think that while we were passing through these trying scenes, our friends at home were enjoying the quietude and christian privileges of that sacred day of Christ. At last the firing ceased and at night were allowed to lie down and sleep. The first whole nights rest we had had for a week. The next morning Gen. Howard sent a request to Gen. Couch that the 64th might be allowed to support one of his batteries, as the regt. supporting it the day before broke and ran, we were accordingly sent. Gen. Howard met us with a smiling countenace and expressed himself as considering his battery perfectly safe now he had us to support it. We supported this battery or rather the 11th Corps as the boys were pleased to term it. till Tuesday night when the order came to get out of the "wilderness" which we did with great discomfort to ourselves as the night was dark and rainy, the roads rough and muddy so that we were continually stumbling into mudholes, and we had to ford one stream nearly waist deep, about midnight we came to the river and laid down on the wet ground, ourselves drenched to the skin, and slept soundly till morning, when we crossed the river and made the best of our way back to our old camps.
We are now camped some three miles north of Falmouth village in the open field with nothing but our shelter tents, yet we are very comfortably situated. Our shelter tents consist of pieces of cotton or linen cloth, about five feet square, with a row of buttons and a row of buttonholes on each of three sides, and in the corners of the fourth side loops are put so that they may be staked to the ground, each man is provided with one of these pieces, when we pitch camp, two crotched poles are stuck into the ground and a ridge pole laid across, this is the frame work, then two or four of these pieces according to the number of occupants are buttoned together and thrown over the pole, and staked down. We can have our tents staked close to the ground, or raised to any height above we choose, by using longer poles and corner stakes, we have ours raised about two feet off the ground. This gives more room and makes our tents more comfortable in hot weather by giving the air a chance to circulate through. Our beds or bunks as we call them, we make by driving four crotched sticks into the ground, laying to cross poles one at the head and one at the foot, and a sufficient number of other poles lengthwise of the bunk, so as to rest on these cross pieces: A few pine or cedar boughs scattered over them form a bed upon which tired soldiers can sleep full as soundly and will as though they were spread with the sofest eider down. Our bill of fare consists of a daily allowance of 1 lb. of bread 3/4 lb. pork or beef 2oz. sugar and what salt, vinegar and coffee we choose to use, also an occasional allowance of potatoes, sirup , and beans. We have a chance sometimes to buy some things at the brigade commesary department by getting an order from our officers. I have some dried apple, and some potatoes on hand now. Dried apple is 7¢ per lb, potatoes 50¢ per bushel. Sutler stores are dear, I buy but very little. Butter is 50¢ lb, cheese 40¢ lb, eggs 50¢ doz, apples 5¢ each, and other things in proportion.
We are anxiously awaiting news from Vicksburg, hoping to hear of its capture by Grant. If Vicksburg and Port Hudson fall I think I can see the end of the war, but if not there is no telling where the contest will end, but I am confident we shall ultimately win. We are vindicating the cause of the downtroden and oppressed. We are fighting the battles of Freedom, of Justice and of Right and my assurance of our final success comes from my faith in the justice and omnipotence of God. I do not think we have much to fear from copperheads. They will die of their own venom: We had Tories in the Revolution more numerous proportionally than copperheads are now, but the machinations of traitors can not avail anything against the decrees of Destiny.
Well, Dodge if you are as tired of reading as I am of writing you will be willing to quit. I must make apoligies for the appearance of my letters, I write so much and hurried. I have no time to pay attention to penmanship or composition, and am aware that often violate rhetoric and sometimes grammer. Please write soon.
My love to all.
Your affectionate nephew
Warren B. Persons
64th NY Vol.
Confederate Hospital near
Andersonville Ga July 2/64
Dear Friends at Home:-
It is just one year since I was captured and I have taken the best care I could of myself, and struggled long and hard for life, for my sake and for the sake of loved ones at home, but it is of no use. I discover I lose strength daily, and the feeble beating of my pulse warns me that what little remains for me to do must be done quickly. I have no particular disease, except general disability, and I shall probably die an easy death. My principle reason for writing this to you is to let you know that I die in hope of a blessed immortality beyond the grave, and I can truly say, "O Grave, where is thy victory, O Death where is thy sting?"
I pray these few lines may reach you someway, for I know that such an assurance from me will afford you more consolation than any other message I could send. I wish I had more strength to think and write, I could say so many things, but I am easy and happy. I find great comfort in reading the 14th, 15th, 16th, and 17th chapters of St. John. The whole word of God is precious to me, and I only wish I might live to preach it. I thank God that others have been raised up to preach it, and through its hearing and believing I feel I am saved. Do not regard me as one lost, but as one merely gone before, waiting to receive you to Heaven's untold joys. Oh, be sure to meet me there, where weeping and parting are no more. I have hated to die, and have temptations at times that way now, but what are the moments and pleasures of time compared with the unending duration and untold joys of Eternity. It fills my soul with rapture to contemplate now.
I die the death I have always prayed for, that is, I have ample time for meditation upon and preparation for this great and final change. I am well aware that I have not always lived as I should, and perhaps this is my punishment that I must die away from home and friends, but Christ is my friend and comforter, and I feel I am not alone.
I would love to write more, but if this reaches you it will do perhaps.
Give Frank Woods a nice book from my library, and one to Albert Damon. Everything else I leave at your disposal.
Farewell until we meet in Heaven.
Your loving son and brother,
W. B. Persons
This Letters is from W.L Davis to his Dear Father. It is itressting reading all 5 letters
Mr. P. L. Davis
Dear Father again I make it import to write to you, I am feeling better this morning than I have felt in some time, though I think I am taking the Gaunders, which have been very comon here. Pa I have just taken another march, we left here last Wednesday morning, & went some near twenty miles, for to work on the Road, we worked all day Thursday & then marched back that night; There has a good many of the soldiers left from around here fro Alabama, I think we will Leave soon for Mobeil Ala; at least all I see look in favor of it. I hope you have reed, my Letter Stating all about the other march; Pa W. W. Brooks & I is going to send A box home in which I sent an old pair of shoes, & a little Bag of cartridges, these roped up in a piece of Newspaper you can tare up & use the Balls & pouder, those in brown [a[er please save for me; & my old shoes I wishe you would have fixed up for me, & keep them until I call for them; I have nothing more to write, that will enterest you. The Box you & Ma sent me was a great treat; Give my love to Ma & all the Children, tell ma to Remember me to little sister nothing More, only I Remain
Your Devoted Son
Charlie
P.S. Direct yours to Stephens Brigade instead of wetson’s
P.S. Isham Sends his love Tender mine to all my friends.
Mr. P. L. Davis.
Dear father in order to let you know where I am, & what is doing, I write this; we left our Winter qurarters Tuesday, & have been here on the side of a mountain ever since; we are now cooking up 8 days rations, & expect as soon as we get them cookid we will leave; the fight is, & has been going on all week, at least skirmishing, I hear different reports concerning it, therefore I do not now know who is geting the best of it. We have heard the reports of the cannons ever since we have been here, The firing is much plainer to day that it has been; it seems by that, that our men is falling Back.
If we meet them I think they will get A licking. The men are all in good spiruts, & have Great confidence in old Joe, I hope we will whip them Good. I am Black & dirty, we are on a red clay hill, & it is very dusty only at night then the smoke is so think that you cant see any distance at all. Nothing more. My love to all. Isham is with the wagon train about 10, or fifteen, miles below here. My special Love to Ma;
in great hast Your Devoted son
C. W. Davis
Dear Father my ink had hadly dried on my letter when we received ordirs to report on the front lines immediately. So we made the necessary preparations and move off as Soon as posible and after Staying out there two days we have returned to our old camps without any fight, the excitement arisen from a cavelry raid made by the yankie cavelry. They wase badly whiped and driven back like Sheep. We are exspecting the Spring campaign to open in these quarters Soon.
Nothing more
Yours
Bud
P.S. the case of Small pox that I spoke of prove to be a very bad case. It has been seened to the hospital, no one else has taken it yet
Dear Father – I have written to you again and again – still it Seems impossoble for me to here from you through the placies from which I wrote asre now all in the hands of the Yankeys I have nothing of interes to communicate I am well and getting along very well I belong to the C.S. Light Batery as you know if you got my last letter –
We are encompted near Grant Ecore Lousisianna though we expect to move back towards Alexandria in a few days.. We had Several days of hard fighting Since I wrote to you last Capt. O.J. Semmes our commander was captured near Franklin.
If you receive this pleas write immediately and let me know where all the Fooks are So that I may write to them all, More if I can once here from you and know that you get My letters I can then write you Something historical –
Direct yours to me Care Semmes’ Batery near Nachetoches Louissianna
Yours as ever J. W. Davis
Mr. P. L. Davis
My Dear Father, After waiting a very long time for an answer to my last letter to you I have come to the conclusion to write again, knowing you disposion and exactly how you are about writing I wish you to understand that I do not feel offended in the least at your delay. But at the Same time I think you could afford to write to me onced in every three or four months, for my Dear Father, I can assure you that there is nothing, that afforde me with more pleasure, than to receive a letter from you. And will you not increase my pleasure by writing me oftener than you have heretofore. I received a letter from Charley not very long Since he was near atlanta when he wrote to me but I have heard through other communication that he moved near chatanooga. I also heard that he has been Sick but was getting well, poor fellow I fear he will hae a hard time out there in enfentry I much rather he had joined some artillery Company I think artillery is much lighyter Sufice than enfentry. And I have tried bouth. I have not heard from Isham personally Since he left home the last time. I am thinking that he will have a hard time also with his many diseases. As to myself I am as sound to day as I was when I joined the army. With the exception of my eyes they are very weak and the Smoke from the camp fires appears to be rank poison to them. So you need not be surprised at any time to hear that you have a blind Son. I think that there is a chance for me to come home between this and next February and if there is even a half a chance I certainly will make us of it. A good posion of our army are building huts for winter quarters but we have not commenced yet nor I do not know how long before we will we are in camped near culpeper courthouse we have had Some very bad weather this fall I do not think that we will have much more fighting to do in Va until next Spring. You will give my love to ma and all the children.
Nothing more but
remain your ever Dear Son
W. L. Davis
It has been a long, long time since I recvd. a letter from you. Your last was written Oct. 21st which I recvd. three or four weeks ago. I feel confident you have written but I can't understand why none have reached me. We have had several mails recently. I don't blame you for their not coming. I will get them after awhile. I have written you several short & hasty notes since the fight at Franklin Nov. 30th. Informed you that Frank Robinson was killed in the field. Lt. S.B. Brown had his right arm broken between the shoulder & elbow. He will not lose it & will eventually recover perfect use of it. He is at a private house doing well. One of the Cooper's, member Comp. I, shot in the face, not dangerous, Barnett very slightly wounded, no other of your acquaintances were hurt, no one else of the Comp. hurt. Walter Chapman came out safe. Our Regt. lost 18 killed & 32 wounded. We lost eleven Generals killed & wounded, six killed & five wounded. Our loss was very heavy, about five thousand killed & wounded. The Federal loss was not so great. They were behind strong works. They left Franklin in the night after the battle. During the engagement I was on a high hill on the Columbia Pike over looking the town & battlefield. I had a perfect view of the whole engagement. The strife was desperate & furious. Lasted only a few hours but in that brief period many hundreds were slain. Night closed the scene from my view though it did not end it. About nine o'clock at night we attacked them again. About light the next morning I visited the battlefield. The sight was indeed a melancholy one such as I will not attempt to describe. You can only judge how sad I felt. I wrote you of visiting your Uncle Bob McLemore & Aunt Bithunia Figures. The families of all are in usual health. Cousin Addie the same. Mit is pretty & agreeable. Ida Figures is very pretty & interesting. I have seen Sallie twice. She is rather pretty & fine looking. She is very much like you. I think she is a star girl. I love her a great deal. She is anxious to live with you & says she is coming the first opportunity. I don't know what is best for her to do under present circumstances. If I knew the enemy wouldn't visit us in Panola any more I would ten times rather she were there, but as it is I don't know what to tell her to do. She has been teaching school at a Mr. Mayberry's six or seven miles from town. Some kin to her & excellent folks. She is not teaching just now. Since our army came up there has been so much excitement she thought best to suspend at least for a time. The weather is pretty cold. Snowed some today. I am doing pretty well in the clothing line but would not object if I had a nicer coat just now. But there is no chance to get any from home now. You had better not try to send any. You are getting anxious to know when I am coming home. This I can't answer you. There is no such thing as furloughs now. I don't know when there will be. I will probably not as long as we stay up here, but I have no idea where we will be one month from now, whether here, in Kentucky, or Miss. I hope we will be able to hold this country & go into Ky. I wish you to write me. Let me know particularly how your health is & what your prospects for meat & bread. How are you making out for money. We are camped in four miles of Nashville. How long we will remain here I have no idea. Our Army is in fine health. My health is excellent. Do you know anything of Capt. Crozier or Kelly Oliver? Tell all the darkies howdy & give them my respects. Tell them I hope they are getting on as well as usual. Has Bro. Jo written you whether he intended letting me have Edmund [he is referring to a slave]. I have not heard from him lately. If he concluded to let me have him you will have to have some cotton packed & sold to pay for him.
William B. Wall
My Dear Wife,
Our Hospt. has been moved four or five miles nearer Marietta since I wrote you last. We have had as yet no regular engagement. Featherston's Brig. skirmishers charged the enemy's skirmishers in their pits on the 31st May on which occasion our Regt. lost 45 killed & wounded. Eight were killed on the field & nearly as many more mortally wounded. Comp. I, had none killed. The following were wounded, Frank Robinson, flesh wound in arm. Thos. Shield, arm, one bone broken, the arm will be saved. Aron Beal, arm, flesh wound. Guest, arm, flesh. George Jones, hand, lost one finger. George H. Jones (Bettie's George) ear, very slightly. A.T. Brown, ear, slight. Mich Durden, ear slight. William Hair, neck & under jaw fractured, rather ugly wound though he will recover, the jaw will be some what injured. Sam Benton, through right lung, a very dangerous wound though I hope he will get well, he has such spirit & determination. Lt. Col. Harrod was shot through the right hand & knee, amputated above knee. All of our wounded were doing well when I heard from them last which was several days ago. I saw your Bro. Nick a few days since. He was well. He passed our Hospt. Will was well but not with any command just now for want of a horse. I know you are anxious to learn what we are doing or going to do here. I am sorry it is not in my power to give you information. We have been right here in line of battle for two weeks night & day, the men in the ditches all the time rain or shine. There has been but little change. The enemy has been moving slowly to our right & we have moved in that direction to meet him. Soldiers are having a hard time but they hold up finely & keep in high spirits. The enemy evidently fear to make a direct attack upon us. They continue moving around trying to flank. I wish they would make the attack for I confidently believe with the favor & help of the great builder of heaven & earth we shall be successful. I long & pray for an end of the bloody scenes through which we are now passing. I feel that we should all humble ourselves before Almighty God and earnestly ask him to deliver us from our present trials & afflictions. We should look to Him as our deliverer. In your last you expressed fear that I was less devoted than formerly. If I am less humble before God, or my faith & trust in his promises less, I am not aware of it, though I desire you always to pray that my faith & devotion may be strengthened & increased. I also trust & pray that you may enjoy an abundance of grace & that you may be exempt as well as teach those who are in your charge, children & servants, to love & serve God. You made apology for telling me some of your troubles. I hope hereafter you will not keep from me even your smallest troubles for I desire to share with you all your pleasures & griefs. I am the one to whom you should unhesitatingly unbosom your self and divulge whatever may be giving you sorrow. There is at least some little relief in telling our griefs to those from whom we may expect sympathy. Try as I requested you when at home not to be sad. Grief & disponding will injure your health & I do hope you will be careful to protect that by every means possible. In every letter let me know precisely how you are. In my last I advised you to take the fluid extract of birch which you can get by sending to Memphis. Get three or four bottles or the infusion tea of birch leaves or the infusion of ? ? or both mixed. I think likely you will find some of these leaves in my office. If you can they will answer the same purpose of the fluid ext. birch, though not altogether so good. The leaves if any are likely too old to be much account. Take spts. niter with any of the above preparations if you have it. Also take occasionally a dose of salts, warm baths will probably relieve you when suffering much or take a little morphia if in much pain. Take from three to five times a day for several weeks or until entirely relieved. The above prescription is for the disease for which you wrote me. You seem anxious that I should resign. I do not blame you but I don't think I should do so at present. I can't tell what may be my opinion after this campaign is over, but I don't wish you to make the least calculation on my resigning this year, though I expect to be home on furlough sometime during the summer. You must not attempt to visit me until I let you know you can do so. You couldn't get here now if you were to try and if you have my coat in fashion short waist & very long shirt.
You may address me at Marietta, Ga., or Atlanta, Featherston's Brig., Loring's Division, Polks Corps
William B. Wall
It is now just sunset & all about camp is more quiet than usual. It may be that others like myself are thinking of home & its past & anticipated pleasures. For these we all sigh & hope they will soon return again but alas! how many homes have been bereft of dear ones who will never return again & how sad will be the weary war worn soldiers disappointment upon returning home for his eager gaze to be met by the marble monument instead of the living form of his dearest earthly love. This will be the mournful fate of many. Such thoughts pain the mind and grieve the heart so I will no further review these gloomy reflections with you. My trust is in Him who is all mercy & power for your protection & mine until the present bloody strife shall end & are granted the blessing of again living together. The enemy as you have learned before now have retired to or towards Atlanta & our troops are resting quietly in camp. How long they will be allowed so to remain is quite uncertain. We moved our hospital camp this morning & since then have been fixing it up. That is putting up tents, clearing off ground & making little scaffolds for beds, &c, &c. Tomorrow all of our ambulances go to the enemy's lines to bring out the citizens of that city to go either north or south, giving them their choice. The most of them will come south. Some will possibly go north. It is hard but we are compelled to submit to it. I forgot to say that Sherman & Hood had agreed upon an armistice for ten days for the removal of the citizens from Atlanta. I expect to take charge of the Hospital in Ala. It is not certain that I can get the position but I suppose I can. We are all waiting & looking with great anxiety for the result of the Northern Presidential election. If Lincoln be re-elected, we may all, every abled bodied man, prepare for an unending strife & shoulder at once our musket or rifle. By this course both North & South will be effectually be ruined. We cannot stop the contest until the North are ready. We are fighting for our existence. They for conquest. We may be ruined but never subjugated. If McClellan be elected I think the war will end though even that is not certain. It becomes us all to look to & call upon the Great Power for help. I have had no letter from you since the one by Frank Robinson. I am expecting another every day. Our mails have been considerably thrown out of order since the fall of Atlanta, but it is expected to be righted in a day or two. If I could be assured that you & the others of the family had good health & plenty to eat, I would be comparatively satisfied. I am thankful that your prospects for provisions are as good as they are. I am getting on smoothly, but my heart knows many a trouble. Oh! how long before we shall have peace again. My prayer is that it may speedily come. How did Mat Oliver like to turn out with the militia? Won't he miss his coffee. I hope they will not be kept out long. Always give me the general news of the country when you write, if everything is fine, if the enemy are expected, who has died or married, &c, &c. It is bright & beautiful but it does not bring light & joy to the heart. We all look forward however to a day when rest from war and the sweet smiles of loved ones at home will make us happy again.
William B. Wall
Camp Foster, 15th Mass. Regt.
Pooleville, Md. Nov 30, 1861
Dear Mother
Your kind letter of the 24th inst. came to hand Thursday evening and was thankfully received. Letters from home are worth more to us than anything else and the cry of "the mail" will cause the boys to move a little more quickly than anything else perhaps excepting bullets.
...I did not think that after what I did for Col. Devens when we escaped from Ball's Bluff, that he would at least acknowledge it in some way. But he has not noticed me or made any allusion to it. If I had not held him up and talked to him more roughly than I ever did to any man, then he would never have set foot on land again. If I had his throat in my hands again as I did that night, I would grip it so that he would remember me. I don't wish to boast but others besides myself knew that I was instrumental in saving him. I'd like to get my fingers twisted in his beard as they were that night, just once more, for I think that I'd make him grieve.
I don't know that I had any right to expect it but I did think he might do something for me in return for the service I did him, just enough to pay me for swearing at him as I did. I know that makes you feel badly, Mother, but it did cost considerable damning to get the old fellow across that river. His senses were so befogged that it took a great deal of strong language to make him realize that if we didn't all get going we were all going to meet at the bottom of the river. But enough of this. We shall probably remain the winter in tents here and picket on the Potomac between Edward's Ferry and Conrad's Ferry. I have run out of paper, news and daylight. My love always,
Your Affectionate Son
Walter A. Eames
Camp Foster
Pooleville, Md
Oct. 22nd 1861
My Dear Wife
I have been at last into Virginia but did not stay long. At midnight, Sunday the sound of the "Long Roll" roused us and we were quickly on the march to the river. We crossed into Virginia early in the day. About 11 o'clock Co. B was sent forward to skirmish. We soon engaged the enemy's cavalry and we were obliged to fall back to our main body. In this skirmish we lost Capt. Simonds and some of our best men. Capt. Simonds started with me to fall back on the reserve but did not get in. Whether he was killed or captured I know not but I have reason to fear the former. There were of the 15th in the action 620 men and officers; a part of Baker's California Brigade; and a few other Massachusetts troops. Our force was a little more than 2000 men. We fought the Devils till dark and then retreated to the river where many surrendered. Eight hours and a quarter we stood before a terrific fire from greatly superior numbers. The woods were swarming with the fellows.
General Baker who was in command on our side was killed. He fell pierced by seven bullets. His body was brought off the field. Lt. Col. Ward lost a leg. He was brought off and is doing well. The rebels shot us down like dogs after we had surrendered. A few managed to escape by swimming the river with the bullets falling like rain all around us. Many were shot and killed in the water. The orders was given for everyman to take care of himself. I saw Col. Devens and Major Kimball preparing to swim, so I stripped off all my clothing except my shirt, drawers, and socks and with colonel Devens, Lt. Eager, Fred Sibly, A.A. Simonds and George S. Ross we took some branches of trees for a partial support and struck out for the opposite shore which we succeeded in reaching.
Oh, didn't the bullets sing merrily around our heads on the passage. The only thing that I saved was your picture in the locket. Tell Mr. Thompson that the big pipe is in the Potomac. We threw our arms and equipments into the river to prevent their being of service to the enemy. The Colonel and Major threw their swords as far as they could into the river. I pointed the bayonet into the mud and drive the piece down almost to the lock, leaving it as a mark to start from next time I travel into Virginia.
Of the 620 men that we took into battle not over 200 came back. Half of our company (B) is missing. Of my mess all are here except George Gilchrist and Granville Hosmer. They are most likely prisoners. I thought that I would rather take my chance of drowning than fall into the hands of the enemy. Many of our poor fellows were drowned while trying to swim the river. It was awful to hear the death shrieks of the poor boys and to see them go under having no chance to help them and expecting to share in their fate. One whom I supposed to be SK Walker drowned near me when about halfway across the
river. I found a couple of dry shirts when we landed and put them on and with 2 overcoats and a blanket that I managed to secure and wrap around me, I commenced my weary march of nine miles to camp. It was a rough journey as I was tired, hungry and my feet were protected only by socks. I got over it finely however, and taking a tremendous drink of gin I lay down and slept from midnight until this morning just as soundly as though rebel bullets had never been heard. I lost what money I had and the Testament you gave me. I shall get along well enough, however, for Col. Devens and Lt. Edgar are both indebted to me for their safety and will not, I think, let me want for anything. Our officers gave us the highest praise saying that we fought like veterans and did all that men could do. We saved our colors but they are riddled with bullet holes. George Daniels has two bullets shot through his arm but the wounds are not dangerous. I cannot write anymore just now. This will show you that I am safe.
Your Affectionate Husband,
Walter A. Eames
Boliver's Heights
Sept. 25, 1862
My Dear Wife
I had thought that I should not again have to write to you from this place, but the fortunes of war have once more brought me here and like a good soldier I must, I suppose take this as well as everything else, cheerfully, although it is sometimes hard to do so.
We left our camp at the battlefield of Antietam a day or two after my last letter and we marched to this place. We had to ford the Potomac River, the rebels having destroyed the bridge at Harper's Ferry. I suppose that you would like me to give you some account of the battle, but I hardly know how to begin. We left our camp on the South side of Antietam Creek about 8 o'clock on the morning of the 17th, and we marched rapidly towards the scene of action where Gen. Hooker was hotly engaged with the enemy. When we got on the battle ground, the rebels had fallen back, leaving the ground covered with their dead and wounded. I have heard of men being laid out in heaps and winnows, but never did I see it until now. Three different lines of dead men showed where they had formed their shattered line and had been forced to fall back. In all 3 lines where they lay as closely together as men would stand in rank.
We pressed by all these dead with the enemy shelling us hotly from batteries posted on a hill. One of these shells exploded in our ranks killing two men in Co. D and wounding several others. We advanced rapidly through the woods and came suddenly upon the enemy at the foot of a hill. We immediately became engaged hotly and a brisk and deadly fire was kept up on both sides for nearly three-fourths of an hour. Then the enemy, taking advantage of an opening between 2 of our regiments, made a sudden flanking movement and brought us under 3 lines of fire to the front, flank, and rear. The men fell like grass before the scythe, and we were forced to retire being closely followed by the enemy who kept up a hot fire on us until Kirby's Battery opened up on them at short range with grape and canister. This forced the rebs to halt and soon to fall back.
Our men began to rally in a comparatively secure place in the woods. It was here that Capt. Simmonds was killed by a shell. Our brigade did not go into action again, but lay supporting a battery for the rest of the day.
The next day citizens began to come from Maryland and Pennsylvania to visit the battle field, and there have been thousands there since. Yesterday, AP Kimball and several other gentlemen from Fitchburg visited us.
I am on guard duty today and therefore have little time to write other than to send me love to all.
Your Affectionate Husband
Walter Eames
Camp Foster,
Poolville, Md.
November 15, 1861
My Dear Wife
I will try to write by daylight and try to do better than before. I shall tell you some more about the affair at Ball's Bluff. Henry Rich is all right. He did not get back to camp till about the last one. He and a fellow named Pope traveled some miles up the river and lay all night and part of the next day under a wheat stack and ate wheat to appease their hunger. The finally got a chance to cross the river in a boat and made their way back to camp being the last of our men who came back.
All that I know about Stone is easily told. When the order was given to retreat I did not know it for I was having a little shooting match on my own. I missed Gilchrist and Brown from my side and turning to look for them, I saw the whole line marching precipitously down the bluff to the river. I followed but in the confusion I got mixed up with the Tammany fellows. I ran a short distance up the river and not finding any of our boys I turned back. I soon met Henry Whittemore who accosted me with, "For God's sake Eames, what shall we do?" I then proposed that we should try to swim to the island. He would not attempt it so I made him turn back with me to try and find the rest of our company.
Just then a murderous volley was fired by the devils on the top of the bluff and we both sprang behind a large tree. Here Whittemore sank down, completely discouraged saying, "I can go no further. I shall die here." I tried to cheer him up and make him do something for himself but could not, and then I left him. This is the last that was known of him. A few paces from where I left him I met Lumen Stone who was also much discouraged. I proposed to him that we swim, but he would not try it. He said that he "hadn't trength enough to reach the island." I began to move away and he begged me not to leave him. "Come along then, " said I, "We have not time to waste." Soon we found the Colonel, Major, and Lt. Eager standing together. They were preparing to try the water. I began imitating their example as poor Stone stood by looking mournfully. After I stepped into the water he said, "Are you going Eames?" I answered, "Yes. And won't you come too?" He shook his head, and as I struck off he burst into tears and cried, "Goodbye, Eames, good-bye!" The poor fellow, how I pitied him but I could not help him. I can write no more just now.
Your Affectionate Husband,
Walter Eames
Camp Foster
Poolville, Md.
Dec. 27, 1861
My Dear Wife
I thought that you had heard enough about Ball's Bluff, but I will try to answer you inquiries.
The others of the party with which I crossed the river had gotten their frail support launched into the river when I joined them. Major Kimball was with them, but concluded to strike out by himself before we started. When I joined them the Colonel told me to get lost, and he was very much averse to letting me go with them. He asked if I could swim and thinking that he wanted me to swim alone, I told him that I could not. "For God's sake" he said, "Don't come here then." I said that if I found that I was hindering their progress I would let go and swim alone. "You will not" said Colonel Devens, "you will only endanger the safety of us all." But by this time I had a hold on the branch and plank and I began vigorously to push it into the river.
On one side were Fred Sibly, Col. Devens and George Ross; on the other side Augustus Simonds, Lt. Eager and myself. Sibly and Simonds being first and Col. Devens and I opposite each. With my left hand I held the Colonel, sometimes by his arm and sometimes by his chin. I do not mean that I held him all the time, but when he would get to struggling and get his head under the water I would catch him and hold him up until he could recover his breath. Several times he would have given up and stopped trying to escape if we had not kept talking to him and urging him to work as hard as he could.
After all, Col. Devens had never so much as thanked us or noticed us in any way or manner. Some officers have more straps than manners (or brains). So that it about the end of it. I try not to think of it except to answer your queries.
Please give my love to all and save the greatest part for yourself.
Your Loving Husband,
Walter Eames
[WM. H. ASPINWALL TO G. V. FOX]
Rockwood
Sept. 18, 1861.
My dear Fox
I received your letter when in town yesterday. I agree with what you say about McC. I consider him a genius, and hope he will prove himself a great man, by showing himself superior to vanity from the adulation which generally surrounds those occupying prominent positions. In this connection, pray repeat to your brother in law what I told him in April -- not to allow Gen. Scott to resign -- he is loved and revered by the people in the Eastern and Middle States, and from these come the sinews of war at present. His loss would tell fearfully in those quarters. We cannot bear anything of the kind. I have been much exercised the last week about the loan. Have given my sole attention to stirring up subscriptions and promoting the efforts of others in that direction. The Banks of this City were in doubt whether they could take the second lot of 50 millions on the 1? Octo. Certainly they would not at the daily rate at which they were being relieved last week -- hesitation or refusal would be fatal; and yet with the best intentions in the world, they cannot retain permanently more than a certain amt of their capitals; and on the extent of the subscriptions by individuals and other corporations towards taking off their hands what they were already committed for, depended their ability to take more. I think the matter stands much better now, and that a new start has been given. I am prepared for what you say about the Potomac, and have thot from the strength of the batteries there and the efforts
[p. 377]
made by the rebels to secure boats that they might contemplate crossing the river below Washington -- but of this you keep of course a sharp watch.
Annapolis will again become an important point for you, and I should think you would have an armed vessel with a wide-awake Commander there. If the Potomac be closed, Annapolis will be more handy both to your Navy Yard -- the sea -- and to Northern supplies, than Baltimore.
I have sent to the Secretary a letter from Capt. Dall formerly of the Pacific Mail Co. -- on the Oregon route -- a first rate young man -- of the David Porter style -- should you want a commander on the Pacific for any gunboat or small steamer.
By the way, would not Porter be the man to command the naval part of the special expedition to the Southern Coast? and since I am asking questions, let me enquire if you can give one of the new gunboats to Wm. E. Leroy -- now on his way home in command of the Mystic. His good Father has a letter from him expressing a great desire for active service.
Truly Yours
Wm. H. Aspinwall
London, April 18, 1863.
Sir, -- . . . By availing of the consuls' service we avoid drawing upon ourselves the observation which would perhaps defeat our object, and we also avail of the arrangements and experiments which both these gentlemen have made. Mr. Dudley, having a vice-consul, will be able to leave his post, in case of need, upon this business; and we have assured him that you will not only make any explanations regarding such absence which may hereafter be required by the Secretary of State, but will also fully appreciate his zeal. . . .
To offer to buy the ironclads without success, would only be to stimulate the builders to greater activity, and even to building new ones in the expectation of finding a market for them from one party or the other. . . . We call your attention to the inclosed article by Professor Goldwin Smith. . . . We understand that Professor Smith is a high authority, and we presume he is writing entirely of "his own motion," and in the interests of his own country. Could we find a sound legal writer to lay open to the people of England the consequences to their own commerce hereafter, and also, though a
[p. 41]
more delicate point, the danger to it now, through a war with us, and to do it entirely from an English point of view, we think the value of the ironclads, the Southerner, and other dangerous vessels, would decline rapidly. We shall carefully consider this and other points before acting. . . .
Respectfully yours,
W. H. Aspinwall,
J. M. Forbes.
London, April 25, 1863.
. . . We find Mr. Adams extremely desirous of avoiding any pretense for a clamor being raised by the opposition, which would hurt his efforts to stop the Alexandra, and still more the ironclads. Without embarrassing Mr. Adams by consulting him directly, we shall take care to do nothing, in a small way, that would interfere with the larger interests at stake.
We inclose you a telegram cut from the London papers, giving the "Evening Post's" version of Mr. Seward's threatenings and of your plans. It is quite clear from this, that some great indiscretion has occurred at home, which, of course, makes our action infinitely more difficult than it would be under ordinary circumstances.
The consuls are clearly of opinion that, since the Confederate loan was so far successful as to give the
[p. 45]
shipbuilders at least a part of their money, it would be impossible to approach the builders of the ironclads with an offer with any chance of its acceptance at present. We are of the same opinion, and must therefore limit ourselves to watching the effect of the proceedings against the Alexandra and of the debates in Parliament, and to preparing (when the right time comes to make an offer) to have some negotiator step in, who will not be identified with America. . . .
Private and Confidential. After his speech last night, Mr. Cobden said to me in his quiet way: "You can't conceive how Admiral Wilkes's appointment is hurting us, your best friends, on this side, and making capital for our joint enemies! What a pity he cannot be nominated to some honorable post where he would not cause irritation by all that he does! I would not like him disgraced, but would like to see him promoted to some safe place." Now, I know that Mr. Forster and others of our best friends have the same views, and it is worth considering whether you cannot help them and us!
London, June 27, 1863.
. . . You will have seen in the papers a report of the Alexandra trial, but as a matter of record we have advised the consul, Mr. Dudley, to have it reprinted in pamphlet form, and sent to every member of the House of Commons, and to other influential parties. The ruling of the judge caused universal surprise, and we consider the chance good for a reversal of the decision next fall, when the full court meet; until which time we understand the government intend to hold the Alexandra. We are also advised that the consul can make out so strong a case against the Liverpool ironclads that he counts with great confidence upon getting them stopped until the full court meet; we shall hope to bring you more exact information as to the time of this meeting. [1]
[p. 47]
We shall also have a full consultation with our minister and Mr. Evarts as to the best time to strike at the ironclads, and we hope to report to you in person very soon after you receive this letter, as it is our purpose to leave in the Great Eastern on Tuesday, the 30th, and we ought to reach New York on Friday or Saturday, 10th or 11th of July. Meantime we beg to say that the law officers of the Crown seem entirely taken by surprise at the decision of the Chief Baron, and that it is received by the bar and the public as an evidence that, if such be the proper construction of the law, it will be absolutely necessary to the peace of nations to have a better law made. . . . We still do not think, in the fluctuating state of public opinion (upon which, to a certain extent, hangs the action of the British government), that it is safe to trust to the British law alone for security from the ironclads. If things look worse, in regard to the law, when we strike at the ironclads, we think the Navy Department ought to be prepared to put a sufficient force near each to stop her before she can get her armament or her full complement of men. This would be a very irritating and dangerous experiment upon our friendly
[p. 48]
relations with England, but it may become necessary. We understand from the minister that, except for repairs in case of accident, or for shelter in stress of weather, our national ships are not admitted to the hospitalities of British ports; but our continental friends are not so uncharitable, and we can have vessels at various ports in the reach of telegraph. . . .
Notes
[p. nts]
Note from page 46: 1 This case, The Attorney-General v. Sillem and others, is found fully reported in parliamentary documents of 1863 and 1864; and also, on appeal, in 2 Hurlstone & Coltman's Reports, 431, and 10 House of Lords Cases, 704. It was an information for an alleged violation of the Foreign Enlistment Act, and was tried 22-25 June, 1863. Chief Baron Pollock charged the jury that it was lawful to send armed vessels to foreign ports for sale, and that the question was whether the Alexandra was merely in the course of building to carry out such a contract. The act did not forbid building ships for a belligerent power, or selling it munitions of war. And so a belligerent could employ a person here to build for them a ship, easily convertible into a man-of-war. He defined the word "equip" as meaning "furnishing with arms," and left to the jury the question, Was there an intention to equip or fit out a vessel at Liverpool with the intention that she should take part in any contest: that was unlawful. Or was the object really to build a ship on an order, leaving it to the buyers to use it as they saw fit: that would not be unlawful. The jury found for the defendants. On a rule for a new trial, the court was equally divided; whereupon the junior judge withdrew his own judgment in favor of a new trial, and it was refused. Thereupon the Crown appealed, but the appeal was dismissed on technical grounds for lack of jurisdiction, first by the Court of Exchequer Chamber, and finally, on April 6, 1864, by the House of Lords. The Alexandra was not one of the rams, but only a gunboat. She seems to have been used for a test case. -- Ed.
Paris, May 29, 1865. . . . We have been made aware, by the debates in Parliament and otherwise, that there is no public prosecutor in England, even for the most dangerous crimes against society, and consequently no officer whose business it is, upon reasonable suspicion, to protect us against the infraction of their foreign enlistment act. . . .
Tarrytown, Aug. 2?, 1862
My dear Fox
I have been thinking for some time about the probability that a properly shaped cylindrical shot fired 6 or 8 feet under water will be the next improvement on iron clad vessels. At short range great effect could be attained below the iron plating. Would it not be well to make experiments now that the water is warm -- either at West Point Foundry or some other convenient place, with a gun slung between a couple of scows, and fired by a wire?
I have the plan for firing a gun projecting 6 or 8 or 10 feet below the water line of a vessel, which I think would work well, if it is found the shot can be relied on to do the intended injury -- under water.
[p. 347]
Would it not be well to mention this to Secretary Welles for his consideration?
Very truly
Your friend
Wm. H. Aspinwall
London, April 18, 1863.
Sir, -- We beg leave to inform you that we have obtained a loan of £500,000, for the period of six months, from Messrs. Baring Brothers & Co., on the deposit of $4,000,000 of the 5-20 bonds handed us, and with the understanding that, in case of the issuing of letters of marque to cruise against British vessels, they shall have a right to claim a prompt reimbursement of their advance, by sale or otherwise, as you may elect. The existing agitation of the public mind, both in and out of Parliament, rendered this condition a sine quâ non, and we may safely express our doubt if any other house would have undertaken to make the loan; certainly none on terms so liberal. . . .
We wait impatiently the promised official statement of funded and floating debt, amount of currency notes, etc., and also of revenue from imports and from internal sources; they are much needed
[p. 42]
to remove the almost incredible misapprehensions which have been produced by false or undefined newspaper articles. . . .
Your obedient servants,
W. H. Aspinwall,
J. M. Forbes.
London, 25 April, 1863.
. . We have now to acknowledge receipt of your letter of 30 March, handed to us by the Hon. Robert J. Walker, and to say that this gentleman has also repeated to us the verbal explanations which you made to him before his departure. We have carefully considered both, and we find that the main object of his visit to Europe is to acquaint European capitalists with the actual circumstances and resources of our country. [1] We think it will render great service in helping to stem the current of ignorance and misapprehension so generally prevalent in Europe, and in compliance with your suggestions we shall confer freely with him on all occasions, when we think he can, by his advice or his knowledge of facts, or by his political position, aid us in carrying out the objects of our mission; but we do not consider ourselves called on, either by your letters or by our own judgment of what is expedient, to show him our instructions, although he has exhibited to us his own; nor do we feel justified, under our understanding with Messrs. Baring Bros. & Co., to mention to him, or any one else here, the particulars of our temporary loan.
. . . We have not been negligent on the last suggestion of your letter, and are prepared to resort to it whenever other means fail; but the institution
[p. 44]
of criminal prosecution against Laird and other builders by us, or any American or official party, would be liable to raise up such an excitement as would frustrate the object in view. The English government must be moved to take these proceedings, or, failing to do this effectually, we can count on a local English association for action; and either of these must command a support we could not rely on, and both must be exhausted before we take the last chance. . . .
William Hugh Young (1838-1901) attended the University of Virginia, In September 1861, he recruited a company for the 9th Texas Infantry Regiment. In May 1862 he was promoted Colonel of the regiment, at the head of which he served with distinction many engagements. On 15 August 1864 he was promoted Brigadier General, leading a brigade of Texans and North Carolinians in the Army of Tennessee.
Shelbyville, Tennessee, March 17th, 1863.
My dear friend Reierson,
I was most affably surprised by the early arrival of your most welcome epistle, I supposed mine would have to make a complete campaign among the mountains of Va. before it would reach you and consequently as is usual in such cases it could be months before I should receive a reply. I must gratefully acknowledge the interest and kind feeling which prompted you to reply so soon. And as you began with congratulations allow me to follow your example and gratulate you upon your solemn felicity in having received that highest of all promotions to be the dear husband of a beautiful, good and true woman. Were I in your shoes Reierson I should think I had attained the Maximum Bonus (?) of this life for I regard the period when a man "takes unto himself a wife" as that from which dates his supreme happiness or misery.
As you say I was "suspicious of the direction of the mind", and during the event almost certain I studied the probabilities of the happiness or unhappiness of the union and in all candor, I say that I thought you were admirably suited to each other and when I wish you both a long life and unalloyed happiness with only enough "Responsibilities" to ....your felicity..... While in the matrimonial line, I may mention that probably sure J. P. Bryan has been guilty of the same crime as yourself. He wrote me he would marry about the middle of February, nothing preventing.And thus I see I am to be left to meet alone the arid and unpleasant paths of Bachelordom. But as I had no engagement previous to the war and still "wander in maiden meditation fancy-free" I think I shall so remain until the war be over for until then I have no security of life or limb and I would do wrong to make some beauteous better half the... of the uncertainties of my fate.
Your military career Reierson was short, spirited and racy and I am sorry that your experience has left so much of bitterness with its intrusion. I am convinced this would have been different had you gone out with the fine spirits and bouyant troops of your own state, whom no officer has been (?) reduced to that condition of much submission (?) nor have they ever attempted it. There is a marked difference in the conduct of Texan officers towards their inferiors and those from any other state.From Brigadier down to humblest private when off duty they are good fellows will...and the... familiarity and sociability exists among all classes and grades. I have probably been as much of a disciplinarian as any officer from Texas, but I have only enforced that degree of discipline which was necessary to the comfort, health and efficiency of my command, while I have discarded all that military etiquette which seems to be intended to indicate distinction between officer and private.
I agree with you however that we are in perilious times as well for private as public interests. And that while some are bountifully watering the tree of liberty with heart's blood others are seeking to uproot and overturn it. I have seen and appreciated to the fullest extent the pride and sweet arrogance, the dire injustice of those who have been hoisted into positions they never did anything to merit, by bootlicking political and military influences.
I have seen the upstart who had never smelt gunpowder or heard the whistle of the enemy's minie balls get up over the....who besides being his superior in every point of view had distinguished himself on every battlefield. I thank my stars I have never been beholden to any superior for anything of position and I never will. Thus far any promotion has been the work of sovereign Texans and I am not ambitious for any higher unless it is awarded frankly to merit, which is not likely. I have the honor to command a regiment which has no superior in this army and being widely known from having been in several brigades from different states, the praise of it + myself after the battle of Murfreesboro was in everybody's mouth from Bragg down. I don't suppose such a thought has occurred to one of them granders (?) as promoting an officer in the Regiment. As an example, I will give you an extract from an article written by the Adjutant General of the brigade to which my Regiment then belonged....and the balance of the brigade being Tennesseeans.
After describing at more length than I have time or space to copy a charge made by the Regiment he remarks of it: "This may well be regarded as the greatest achievement of any single regiment in the fight." And for this, the regiment was publicly eulogized on the field of battle by the Major General commanding the Division. Yet not an officer has been promoted by them for gallant conduct. I mention this to show you how little merit is accorded (?) in our army promotions.
I have not seen any of your friends since I wrote last. You would probably not notice so great a change in Bob H. as you expect. Texan officers generally pay little attention to uniform I have never seen Bob with any stripe or bar about him. Your brother is I suppose at present under command of Van Dorn - now at Columbia about fifty miles from this place. I had made inquiries for them before I got your letter but had heard nothing of either of them. I shall be certain to go and see him whenever it is convenient. His regiment was with the army in Mississippi from the evacuation of Corinth up to a very recent period when Van Dorn came with his corps to Tennessee. We have had a succession of many lovely days and I am looking for the resumption of active hostilities and hundreds of floating rumors sure to presage their approach. One rumour has Rosecrants' army fighting among themselves and falling back from Murfreesboro but I do not credit it. You are right in supposing we are in fine trim to meet the spring. Never were we better. I hope to hear from you for...Reierson and in full I wish to be remembered kindly by Mrs. F. and desire my compliments and kindest wishes forwarded to Mrs. R.
With best wishes for your continued happiness and welfare, I am,
Your true friend,
Wm. H. Young
Reierson:
I enclose a first of April document which I would be glad if you would dispose of so that it may reach the person for whom it is intended. Drop it at the P.O. if
Letter from Barzillai G. Worth to Jonathan Worth, December 9, 1862
Wilmington, N. C., Dec. 9/62.
Enclosed find bill for 2 Sacks L. P. Salt of which you have been advised. The entry was the last one made by our brother. I sent the bonds signed by Bro. Milton and myself to Bro. Addison, by private hand and requested him to get the other signatures and forward it to you at once. Some stir and excitement here to-day a/c of the sailing of the fleet from New Bern -- I am too busy --
Yours in reference to Book Keeper is at hand, will report to-morrow. All confusion to-day.
Mr. Jonathan Worth
Bot. of T. C. & B. G. Worth 1862 Oct. 24 2 Sacks L. Salt $85. $170.00
Drayage .75
Turning into Barrels 2.00 172.75
Letter from Barzillai G. Worth to Jonathan Worth, December 11, 1862
Wilmington, N. C. Dec. 11th '62.
I have carefully canvassed our place in my mind and cannot think of any one that I think will suit you as a clerk. All are engaged or in the field or incompetent. Chatterton has lost cast as to character, drinks, etc. I hope the present clerk will act the man and prove himself right in the main. You enter on the duties at short notice. Our Journal takes occasion to pay you a compliment though not intended as such. I should never thought of styling you Dictator.
Letter from Barzillai G. Worth to Jonathan Worth, January 10, 1863
Fayetteville, N. C. Jan. 10/63.
Send me your proxy to represent you in the meeting of the C. F. St. B. Co. to be held here on the 15th inst. I will try and get your letter press here. I recd. your letter at W. but had not time to hunt one up. The prospect looks well for a good dividend and we have put on a rate that coins the money now. I shall return to Wilmington as soon as the meeting is past.
I have bought near here but cannot get possession till 1st April.
Letter from Erastus Wright to Benjamin Franklin Butler, February 27, 1864
From Erastus Wright
Springfield, Illinois, 27th Feb. 1864
Maj. Gen. Butler
I am the man who, meditating on the bed, rose in the night, struck a light, and wrote you a long letter at the time you relieved suffering humanity at Old Point C., and honored God, who, according to the Book, says "that them that honor Me, I will honor." Hence not only your valuable life is continued, but the whole Nation has you in reverence and deserved honor. Your kind and noble heart responded at once, and then again 3 months after, many who saw it eulogized the sentiments contained.
In letting it pass under the eye of friends, it got lost or mislaid. It was appreciated by all, both Saints and Sinners. I felt the loss as I desired your autograph. Can I presume on your patience for a short letter?
My old neighbor "Honest Abe" knows all about me, for I am 65 past, 42 of which in this place (Springfield). A frail, erring man, raised a farmer, yet I love and fear God, and love His precious word, from which I always take my platform.
The 7th Chapter of Joshua will explain the long "Spell" on the army of the Potomac. We have the Achan at Washington, with all the men and means desired now 3 years, they cannot get a victory. Why are there not wise men enough to search the cause? A concise point.
"There is an accursed thing in the midst of Israel. Thou canst not stand before thine enemies until ye take away the accursed thing from among you."
Joshua feared God and obeyed Him. If Mr. Lincoln would do likewise, the smiles of Heaven would rest upon us within a month, and success attend all our movements. Did you know, General, that a certain head man at Washington sympathies were so strong towards the Rebels, that when in St. Louis he gave an old rebel a pass to take his "truck and plunder" through his lines down into Arkansas, together with 15 slaves; was this aiding Lincoln or Jeff Davis? This Nation is bleeding, and it is just, and ought to bleed, and will bleed until we put away the accursed thing. With my knowledge of the Will of God and His Holy Word, I would quickly cast overboard
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Halleck, Blair, Bates, and Seward, any or all who has sympathies with slavery.
The whole system is of the D--1. It certainly is antagonistic to the Spirit of Christ. The magnitude of the crime is indicated by the penalty. What is the penalty in America? Let the graves of half a million, the widows and orphans answer.
Dear General, did you know the secret of your late failure towards Richmond? Who inclined a spy to go ahead; who was slow to give any aid; who gave a cold apparently indifferent answer to your solicitations? General, a wise man searches out causes for all events. The whole system is opposed to the will of the Almighty, "Who is no respecter of persons," how can He consistently bless or approve? The case is clearly an issue with the Great God, our maker. Oh what presumption for puny man! Another abomination is the paying for slaves, to the man who has robbed him of 10 or 20 years wage already.
God's will is clearly expressed in the case of Pharaoh, a case in point. Take from the slave dealer or oppressor and give to the oppressed; see Exodus 12; 32, 35, 36, and 37 verses. This is God's will and this is justice. Paying a robber is Judas-like, a wicked precedent, an impeachment of the Divine Law, an abomination not found in the Bible of the most Godless Nation known.
Again, the Doctrine of "State Rights," is another "Humbug." As if a Corporation Law could over ride the State Law, the Constitution of the U. S., which Constitution was ordained to establish justice, and carries out the principal of the Dec. of Ind. It is consistent with itself if fairly interpreted and Legal construction given it. It is all right now.
The foundations of our Government are laid no firmer than the foundations of Justice and Humanity. And the Doctrine of "State Rights," to enslave its own citizens, is preposterous and one to be ignored by every American Citizen. The loyalty of Border State men that make Slavery paramount to the Government is a loyalty this Nation can better spare than keep. No peace until the magic word "Universal Emancipation" is uttered. So may be it. Amen.
Dear General, be so kind as to drop me a line to keep with my old friend Abraham's.
Yours truly, Erastus Wright
N. B. When this war is over, General, please take a trip out "to the Great West," to this richest part of the world, and come to my house and stay a week at least; see old Abe's stamping
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ground, and our noble Gov. Yates, who has the honor and credit of being the first Gov. who petitioned for Universal Emancipation. E. W.
Letter from Erastus Wright to Benjamin Franklin Butler, September 4, 1864
Springfield, Illinois, Sept. 4th, 1864
Dear Sir: Allow me to suggest a thought touching this long, protracted, and bloody war. The great wickedness of this nation has been, and is today Slavery. The plague is in the hearts of the people. The leprosy is there. The curse is not removed. The nation has got to put away the Achans. The 7th chapter of Joshua might be read as easy as to make 50 Parrott guns, and if heeded, would be ten times more efficient. If one Achan put a "spell" on the whole Army of Israel, God's chosen people, and with Joshua, a Godly man, as commander, what might we expect from a score of Achans not alone in the army but some in the Cabinet. I had a talk recently with my old neighbor Father Abraham. I stand by him yet, although many of his best friends have their feelings alienated and wounded by his sympathy with slavery, as though there was any goodness in so Godless a wretch as a slaveholder. The curse has to be put away; and, dear Genl., I say again, put away the accursed thing or we ought to bleed. Yea! the Nation ought to be destroyed. We have joined issue with God, our Maker. The colored man is a human being, and is as precious in the sight of God
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as you and I, has a right to his wife and children as much as Mr. Lincoln, or his Godless master that has robbed him not only of wages his whole life, but the children and wife that God gave him. Dear General, if "God is no respector of persons," what penalty would be justly due the nation or the inhuman monster that would do to your family or Gen. Grant's as we have to the friendless, crushed slave? The crime of the horse thief, the highway robber, is nothing to the crime of robbing you of an immortal soul that God gave you, no comparison.
We are bleeding as we richly deserve until we put away the Hellish thing and every sympathiser. There is no property in man.
Talk of compensating so Godless a wretch as a slave monger! It is an abomination. Since the move in Congress to that end, I laid the case before my God, and ardently desired its frustration. I wrote to many members who I am persuaded understand more of Law than Gospel, that the Divine Mind is clearly expressed in a case in point in Exodus 12th, 34 to 37. Where God directed the Children of Israel (slaves) to borrow of the Egyptians (masters) their jewels of silver and jewels of gold and raiment, which they did, and Spoiled the Egyptians (masters) as all the slaveholders in America ought to be spoiled, for God knew they ought not and never would return them. This is God's rule, and this is Justice. Away with Compensation; away with the thought of property in man. Cast overboard every slaveholder or sympathiser with the Hellish System, whether in the cabinet or in Command in the army. The nation would be a hundred per cent stronger without them than with them. Halleck, Blair, Scofield, and I could name several in the cabinet. I solemnly believe it would be a God-send if they could be removed.
I have, a number of times, heard it urged against volunteering. They object because of sympathisers with a system that God will curse, being kept in command.
Every reading man knows it is a Damning Sin -- hence it is repulsive to his feelings and against enlistment.
The change of commanders, McClellan or Fremont for Lincoln, will not alter the result: the Stain is in the heart of the Nation, and has got to be burnt out, until we shall not only be willing to "let the oppressed go free," but to define and plead their cause, not treat them with contempt like this skin-deep Christianity for the last 30 years; neither treat
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them as cotton bales as Gillmore is reported to have done at Fort Sumpter and brought disaster. Did not God see half that Regt. slaughtered, raw troops put in front? Sumpter is not taken yet. And let me say, dear General, as I keep the record a little, in every instance for the last 3½ years of this Day of Penalty, where kindness and mercy have been shown toward the Slaves, God's favor has been manifested, and in every instance of inhumanity His wrath. Is one of those slaves to blame for this Judgment of the Almighty: if not, let him be released and defended.
In the last 30 years, many in agony and torment have said in the words of the Prophet, "The Lord look upon it, and require it." The magnitude of the crime is indicated by the Penalty.
If our penalty is not enough, let us hold on to the accursed thing a while longer. General, in yours to me in 1861, dated at Old Point Comfort, many were the high commendations of those who perused it. Can I ask the favor of a short answer. Also that this letter may pass under the eye of Lt. Gen. Grant, whose interesting good Lady and family I had the pleasure of travelling with up from Cairo just after the battle of Fort Donaldson.
Yours truly, Erastus Wright
This letter, you say, too long for a Major General in command. I say, too much blood for slavery, slavery, slavery. Pleading for God's poor as he requires is honoring God, and God says, "them that honor me, I will honor." Hence the success of our noble General Butler.
I profess to be a Bible man, and am satisfied, if slavery is not entirely put away, this nation will be destroyed. It is a damning sin as high as Heaven and deep as Hell. If God has heard the cry of the poor and come for deliverance, who shall hinder. Remember old Pharaoh, whose track we are following, was Pharaoh, and all his host turned into Hell, not a man escaped. If his slavery (for he never took wife or child), mild as it was, received the penalty of death, what misery and torment has this whole Nation merited for that same sin in superlative degree? All written "For our instruction." E. W.